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J LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. # 



UNITED STATES OP AMERICA. 






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V 









A FEW WORDS 



ON 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM, 

Addressed to the Boston Young Men's Society in aid of Italy, and published 
for distribution by that Association. 



Boston, December 2, 1850. 

In my endeavors to bring the Italian cause under 
the notice of. the citizens of the United States of 
America, I have experienced several difficulties. Of 
course I anticipated that impediments would be 
thrown in my way by the Jesuits, through the innu- 
merable channels at their disposition. I expected, 
however, that the anti-papal feeling of the New 
Englanders would more than compensate me for 
any Papal hatred: just as I hoped that the popular 
sympathy in favor of all oppressed European libe- 
rals would reduce to insignificance any conservative 
opposition. But I find that the organs of our ene- 
mies continue to keep the public misinformed, and 
to produce so much doubt respecting the recent 
European revolutions, that many sincere friends of 
freedom remain inactive in consequence of these 
conflicting statements ; while others are discouraged 
through the erroneous belief that all hope for liber- 
ty is lost. So far, however, from the cause of civil 
and religions 1'berty being lost, it stands to-day upon 






A FEW WORDS ON 



»*$ 



a surer basis than it did in 1847; whereas the finan- 
cial and other embarrassments which surround Po- 
pery and Despotism increase daily, and render their 
ultimate success nearly hopeless. Neither let it be 
supposed that, because Italy is a long way off, what 
occurs there cannot operate upon the public here. 
Italy — that country which formerly spread civili- 
zation over the known world — is, geographically 
speaking, a . long way off; but fopish influence is 

IN YOUR VERY MIDST POPISH INFLUENCE WHICH IS AL- 
LIED WITH DESPOTISM FOR YOUR RUIN I 

The intimate alliance between Popery and Des- 
potism is palpably evident from the simple fact, that 
all despots, notwithstanding the discrepancy of their 
religious creeds, unite in upholding the Pope by 
force and by intrigue. It is evident, moreover, from 
Popish bulls and other documents, that his Holiness 
looks to the despotic potentates for physical-force 
protection. For example : in his encyclical of 25th 
May, 1844, the prelates are directed to apply to the 
princes for assistance in suppressing instruction, 

" BECAUSE IT CANNOT HAVE ESCAPED THEIR (the princes') 
WISDOM, THAT IT IS HIGHLY TO THE INTEREST OF THE 
COMMON WEAL f SHICC, " FROM THE UNIVERSAL LIBERTY 
OF CONSCIENCE, THE POLITICAL LIBERTY OF ITALY WILL 
ALSO SPONTANEOUSLY FOLLOW." 

Popery, which has daily need of the sword of 
Despotism to exterminate its adversaries, repays its 
powerful protector with the use of its spiritual in- 
fluence over the minds of the ignorant. These two 
enemies of mankind have but one common soul — 
one common interest — one common hate against 
everything that is noble, generous, or good. Their 
scattered members, large and small, in every quar- 



POPiSRY AND DESPOTISM. 3 

ter of the globe, are linked together with what 
Byron so appropriately calls u dirty diplomatic 
quills" 

The third article of the secret treaty of Verona, 
22nd October, 1822, bears directly on the alliance 
between Popery and Despotism, and runs thus: — 
4i The contracting powers offer their common thanks 
to the Pope for all that he has, till now, done in 
favor of their cause .; and they solicit his constant 
cooperation in their design of subduing the na- 
TIONS." Will the declaration of their intentions be 
considered as a fact sufficiently startling to awaken 
mankind? or will the nations not yet "subdued" 
continue to slumber, and quietly to allow these spi- 
ders to weave a web around them, out of which, 
when once completed, they will have no chance of 
escape—no more than a miserable fly -? 

. As man cultivates the fruits of the earth which 
are necessary for his subsistence, so Despotism and 
Popery, with untiring zeal, propagate ignorance, su- 
perstition, and vice — racking their brains to devise 
fresh expedients to prolong the existence of these 
their essential elements, All the offspring of these 
two monsters fraternize cordially ; for the sons of 
darkness, of all climes and languages, know that 
they have one common bond of union. Have not 
the children of Light a common brotherhood? or 
does fellow-feeling only belong to tyrants? In 1847 
that mortal struggle commenced., in which, light 
eventually must illuminate darkness, or darkness will 
extinguish light— not in Italy only, but all the world 
®vei\ The cause of the Italian patriots is, there- 
fore, THAT OF THE ENTIRE CIVILIZED WORLD- 

The great revolution in England, which com- 



4 A FEW WORDS ON 

menced under the auspices of Hampden, prospered 
so long as Papists and nobles were excluded from 
power. The germ of liberty was thence car- 
ried to North America by the Puritans, and there 
flourished; because the popish and royalist elements 
were too insignificant to produce any baneful con- 
sequences. Thence the seeds were conveyed to 
France, where they withered so soon as Jesuit in- 
fluence (like a wolf in sheep's clothing) was per- 
mitted to creep in. The original object of the revo- 
lution was then lost sight of; and the struggle w T hich 
ought to have been a war of opinions, was diverted 
from its proper course into a contest of nations ; by 
which means the neighboring populations, which 
would have sympathized with, were alienated from 
the French, and the ancient abuses were eventually 
restored. Had the nationality of Italy, instead of 
its subjugation, been attempted, those disasters, 
which subsequently overwhelmed France and the 
rest of continental Europe, would have been avoided. 
The French revolution of 1830 failed because it 
was left in the hands of a prince, who, with the co- 
operation of the Popish priesthood, soon misdirected 
the current into its old channel. The determination 
of attacking Popery, the enemy of civilization, in its 
stronghold, Rome, has only been thought of in the 
last revolution ; and till this vampire be destroyed, 
no permanent good can be effected. Italy, there- 
fore, is the field upon which the liberties of the 
world must be gained or lost. To aid them in this 
task the Italians hope to receive the active fraternal 
sympathy of all philanthropists — not as a charity, 
nor as a right, but in the name of civilization and 
liberty, that such a sacred cause may not be periled. 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM, 5 

Popery is styled a religion; but it does not de- 
serve that appellation— it is, literally speaking, a 

POLITICAL ENGINE, BY WHICH BAD MEN HOPE TO OBTAIN DO- 
MINION. Under the cloak of religion, and protected 
by the bayonets of the despots, Popery operates like 
-an immense secret society ; but it is more terrible 
than any other, since its members blindly obey the 
orders of their chief, whether dictated by ambition, 
cupidity, revenge, or lust. In other secret societies 
the motives for action, and the plans of operation, 
are the result of deliberation among the members, 
and secrecy is not kept up within the circle of the 
society itself. 

Though the religious dogmas of Popery are the 
most ridiculous of all superstitions, both ancient and 
modern, yet I do not desire to awaken religious fana- 
ticism against the Papists, or to interfere with liber- 
ty of conscience. Such, simpletons as allow them- 
selves to be cheated out of their pence by an old 
man in petticoats, who blasphemously presumes to 
eall himself the representative of God on earth, de- 
serve neither public protection nor private pity. 
But when this old man turns out to be the tool of 
certain despots, enemies of the State, then it is time 
to take up the matter; not as a question of con- 
science, but of public safety. 

Let priests freely preach, and fools as freely 
believe that the Pope has the keys of Heaven. But 
when upon the strength of these pretended keys, im- 
pious men, whose consciences lie in their purses, for- 
give crimes, and even sell indulgences by anticipa- 
tion — when they inculcate that it is not only justifi- 
able, but even commendable to break faith with and 
to exterminate all who are not of their sect ; thus 



6 A FEW WORDS ON 

compassing the destruction of their neighbors, and 
making a market of vice — then it is time to look out 
for oriels pockets and one's throat. 

If a set of men like to live secluded, by all means 
let them do so. But when they encourage idleness in 
others, live upon the earnings of the poor, or build 
seraglios wherein to entice young women of beauty 
or of property, then it becomes a matter of public in- 
terest. If a man likes to confide to another all his own 
thoughts words or deeds, let him do so — but if he 
pries into his neighbors' affairs, and acts as a poli- 
tical spy for the priest, then that man becomes a 
public nuisance. If a man be such a ninny as to 
allow his wife once a week or oftener to have a cozy 
Ute-a-Ute with a young priest (or an old one either) 
that is the husband's business — the more fool he. But 
when young women are thus closeted and question- 
ed, that case affects the State, because that which 
was pure may thus become polluted, and then be 
palmed off upon the public. 

One of the soporifics which have contributed to 
lull to sleep good people both in America and in 
England, is the falsehood so industriously circulated 
by the Jesuits, that Popery is totally changed from 
what it used to be ; and that it is not now that san- 
guinary monster which it formerly was. Be not de- 
ceived. Popery cannot alter, for when it does be- 
come changed it is no longer Popery. The only va- 
riation I have been able to discover between ancient 
and modern Popery, is its method of performing an 
auto-da-fe. Formerly the unfortunate victims used to 
be burned. Since public opinion (not the humanity 
of the priests) has now rendered such revolting 
spectacles impossible, it has been discovered that the 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 7 

inquisitors resorted to the secret and brutal alterna- 
tive of burying their prisoners alive, the head only- 
being left out of the ground. On the opening of the 
Inquisition at Rome, by order of the Triumvirate, dur- 
ing the days of the republic, rows of corpses of per- 
sons murdered in this manner were discovered. 

Archbishop Hughes, of New- York, in his lecture, 
" The Church and the World," confesses that Popery 
has been at times, from prudential motives, " forced to 
lower her authoritative voice, and speak in gentler 
tones to those who still recognized her spiritual do- 
minion." The Pope in his letter to his nuncio at Vi- 
enna, in 1805, furnished mankind with a very plain 
example of the doctrine of expediency : treating of 
the right of persecution, he says, " we are arrived at 

TIMES SO CALAMITOUS AND SO HUMILIATING TO 
THE BRIDE OF CHRIST, THAT IT IS NEITHER POS- 
SIBLE NOR EXPEDIENT TO HAVE RECOURSE TO 
THOSE MOST SACRED MAXIMS, AND SHE MUST 
SUSPEND THE COURSE OF HER JUST SEVERITY 
AGAINST THE ENEMIES OF HER FAITH." 

Be assured that the pretended humility of the Je- 
suits is mere hypocrisy, to obtain a firmer footing in 
the country, which, if they once secure for themselves, 
they will crush all further opposition, and every- 
where extinguish Light and Freedom. Popery is 
anxiously watching for the earliest opportunity to 
perform over again all the scenes of the St. Bartho- 
lomew and of Smithfield : treacherously to blow up 
a Legislature : or to massacre its opponents una- 
wares, as in Ireland, when servants murdered their 
employers, and benefactors were butchered by those 
very persons whom they had befriended. 

Never forget the words of the Pope to Count 



3 A PEW WORDS ON 

Daun on the occasion of his victory at Hochstein* 
"The benediction of Heaven upon thee, who 
hast vanquished the wicked heretics — ex- 
terminate heresy at a blow — extirpate the 
infamous race of luther and calvin. the 
destroying angel will fight by thy side. 
May thy arm'' (not the hand only but the entire arm,) 
"constantly smoke with the blood of these 
wretches. may the northern countries of 
Germany be subdued to the true Church by 
the sword — by fire — and by blood. " 

The attempt just made by the Pope, at the insti- 
gation of the despots, to disturb the internal tran- 
quility of Great Britain, is a fact which ought to 
arouse even the most apathetic and incredulous. His 
Holiness shows the nation that he has abandoned 
none of the arrogant claims of his predecessors. He 
casts the apple of discord into the midst of the peo- 
ple, in the hope thus to prepare the way for their de- 
struction—for no nation distracted by internal feuds 
can resist against external aggression. 

Let not Americans disregard this lesson, and go 
to sleep under the idea that there is no danger for 
themselves. In the year 1828 Frederick Schlegel, in 
a course of lectures delivered before the court and 
nobility of Vienna, demonstrated, that in as much as 
the reformed religion favors republicanism; so, on 
the contrary, Popery favors monarchy, and he added 
these words "The great hotbed of democratical prin- 
ciples which supplies France and the rest of Europe, 
is North America." Consequently the imperial court 
immediately organized the " Leopold Foundation " 
for the purpose of giving greater activity to the 
spread of Popery in the United States. This society 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 9 

was fully approved of by the Pope, in his Bull of 30th 
January, 1829, and was by him enriched (as usual) 
with indulgences, remission of sins, &e. &c. &c. 

The French Minister declared in 1825, that "the 
conversion of the Americans to Popery was of the 
greatest importance, not only on the score of religion, 

but MORE ON ACCOUNT OF THE POLITICAL POSITION OF 

Europe." Did not Lafayette warn you that if ever 
the liberties of America should be in danger, it would 
be in consequence of the spread of Popery among 
you ? ; 

Bishop Reze (papist) distinctly explained to an 
Italian gentleman, that as yet the papists were not 
strong enough in the United States to take power 
into their own hands, but that they w r ere numerous 
enough to hold the balance between parties. That 
consequently the orders to all prelates from the Pope, 
and from the court of Austria, were for the present 
(and until they should be able to do more) merely to 
direct all their attention to the throwing of discre- 
dit in every possible manner upon liberal institu- 
tions. Cast your eyes towards the Austrian and 
Popish agents in France — men whose former trea- 
sons against the State have been generously forgiven 
by the too confiding nation — men who pretend to the 
exclusive possession of patriotism, intelligence, and 
honesty, though they are in fact acting in obedience 
to the orders of their country's enemies — men who 
have the impudence to avow in the national assem- 
bly their anxiety to behold an expedition to Rome 
enacted in Paris ! Does not the conduct of these 
artful royalists on the other side of the Atlantic, pre- 
cisely correspond with the confession made by Bishop 
Reze as to the Emperor's projects here? Yes ! when 



10 A FEW WORDS ON 

these Austro-jesuitical agents have dragged their na- 
tive country, France, completely into the mire, then 
indeed will be seen " the expedition to Rome per- 
formed over again in Paris " by hordes of barbarians 
who will subvert the government selected by the 
people, restore the exiled tyrant, devour the sub- 
stance of the land, and massacre its population. 
Just Retribution for the expedition against Rome ! 

It may appear strange that England, from whence 
Popery was expelled in an incredibly short space of 
time, should find herself to-day in her present dis- 
agreeable predicament. Let us devote a few mo- 
ments to consider this subject. Henry VIII was not 
a man to be trifled with, and on embracing the Re- 
formation, he, without any hesitation, confiscated the 
whole of the possessions of the Popish Church, distri- 
buting the same among the clergy of the new church, 
and such persons of local influence as he hoped could 
draw the nation to his side. Besides this property, 
he likewise confiscated, and distributed among his 
own partizans, the estates of such of his subjects as 
refused to acknowledge his supremacy in matters 
of religion. Like other royal reformers, his majesty, 
" Defender of the Faith'' reformed as little as possible 
— barely enough to justify his turning out the Pope, 
and nominating himself head of the church — but the 
People derived some benefit from this commence- 
ment of improvement, and they subsequently (with- 
out the royal consent) presumed to advance further 
in the road of progress. Had the Irish confisca- 
tions been bestowed upon native Irish of influence 
in their several districts, Popery would in all proba- 
bility have been disposed of as effectually there as in 
England ; but these lands having been stupidly and 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 11 

unjustly bestowed upon English courtiers, (absentees,) 
the native population looked upon them as invaders 
and oppressors ; the laity attacked the intruders in a 
political sense ; while the popish priests stirred up 
a religious fanaticism through all classes. This 
resistance has lasted for ages, and does not seem 
likely to be easily pacified. 

The new British church being wedded to the 
state, and being a legal necessity rather than a 
matter of conscience, naturally soon became cor- 
rupt. The two Universities of Oxford and Cam- 
bridge, intimately connected with the state church, 
instead of being purely and simply seats of learn- 
ing and of progress, became tory engines for the 
manufacture of retrogression. As I graduated at 
Oxford, I maybe allowed to express an opinion upon 
this subject ; but the discussion of the imperfec- 
tions in the Universities being long and out of place 
here, I shall merely observe, en passant, that nothing 
which has occurred in the Pusey and Popish mania 
occasioned me any astonishment, except the aban- 
donment of certain snug fellowships, which tempo- 
rary sacrifices, however, seem subsequently to have 
been amply indemnified. The unhealthy condition 
of the tory state church, and of the exclusive Univer- 
sities, naturally led them to follow in the wane of 
the Court and the Nobility, which have a natural 
tendency to favor Romanism, as being more nearly 
allied to absolutism — upon the same grounds as the 
imperial court sent the Leopold foundation to this 
country. There is, however, one circumstance which 
may put a bar to their completing this premeditated 
piece of iniquity, viz. the possession among them of 
sundry confiscated estates formerly belonging to ca- 
tholic proprietors, convents, or glebelands. 



12 A FEW WORDS ON 

Another cause which has contributed to foster the 
Popish pretensions and power, is the improper mode 
in which the elective franchise is accorded to the 
people ; it being based upon a property instead of an 
educational test. Consequently, in Ireland, where 
the priests keep the peasantry in the greatest igno- 
rance, the popish pastors drive their flocks like sheep 
to the voting booths, there to record legally, not each 
man's own independent vote, but the pleasure of his 
Holiness, and of the foreign despots. In these cases 
oaths are of no value, since they are absolved by 
anticipation. But if reading and writing, instead 
of rent-paying, were to be made the qualification for 
voting at elections, then the popish priest would 
either lose his pocket full of votes, or he would be 
obliged to permit his flock to procure the so much 
dreaded educational qualification. Then a premium 
would be given for the extension of education, (which 
up to a certain point ought to be gratuitous,) while 
the baneful influence of these priestly agents of our 
enemies would be curtailed — a great good would be 
effected, and a great evil would be diminished. 

The development of the Popish crisis at this parti- 
cular juncture is due to the principle, (or rather the 
want of principle}) upon which the foreign policy of 
the nation has be^n conducted — provoking and threat- 
ening our enemies, without having the courage to act 
up to the menaces ; and then sacrificing the continen- 
tal liberal party, England's natural ally, because the 
aristocracy dread any change which may peril the 
safety of their god, mammon. Their great desidera- 
tum therefore is status quo ; and if forced to move, 
then they strive to retrograde rather than to advance. 
Lord Palmerston has, upon the main points, followed 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 13 

the usual policy of his class and of his predecessors 
in office. The whole privileged class, misled by ear- 
ly prejudices, and inflated by pride and riches, seems 
to be totally blind to the injury it is inflicting on the 
nation. 

The agitation which pervaded Italy previous to 
the death of Gregory XVI was the natural result of 
centuries of tyranny, and was not caused by the 
meddling of our foreign secretary. "When he became 
aware of the state of things, he encouraged their de- 
velopement, little dreaming of the explosive nature 
of the materials he was handling ; and imagining 
{poor man !) that he could make use of the popular 
disaffection for his own purposes, and then check it 
at his pleasure. The people, however, had in view 
a nobler object than the gratification of the private 
pique of an outwitted diplomatist. The people plain- 
ly pronounced the word freedom. 

Had Lord Palmerston then understood the signs 
of the times — had not his aristocratic prejudices so 
completely obscured his vision as to prevent his ap- 
preciating the splendid position in which he was ac- 
cidentally placed — had he courageously and hu- 
manely held out to liberty a friendly hand, instead 
of a bundle of deceitful protocols, he would have 
earned the lasting gratitude of the human race. 
But he was unequal to this great work, and he soon 
deserted the popular camp to seek the more genial 
society of the oppressors. Through all the future 
phases which this struggle may assume, the past du- 
plicity of royalism, popery, and diplomacy, with the 
confidence of the people so basely betrayed, must al- 
ways be kept in mind. Despotism has demonstrated 

that it will be satisfied with nothing less than the 

2 



14 A FEW WORDS ON 

annihilation of its adversaries. Will any one dare 
to assert that self-preservation is not justifiable for 
the people ? 

The two great political parties to-day existing in 
Europe are the Liberals and the Anti-liberals. The 
former desire progress and civilization, as can be seen 
by quoting the demands of the people, published in 
the Italia del Popolo of last March : " Nationality — 

FREEDOM — THE GENERAL GOOD OF ALL MANKIND 5 
—LIBERTY OF SPEECH AND OF CONSCIENCE — PRO- 
TECTION OF JUST LAWS, INSTEAD OF THE ARBI- 
TRARY CAPRICE OF AN USURPATION. We WILL SE- 
LECT FOR OUR RULERS THOSE CITIZENS THE MOST 
CONSPICUOUS FOR THEIR VIRTUES AND INTELLI- 
GENCE. We will have education for all — 

FOOD FOR THE MIND — BREAD FOR THE BODY — 
'THAT THE WILL OF GOD BE DONE ON EARTH AS IT 

15 IN heaven.' " On their banner they bear the motto: 
"GOD AND THE PEOPLE." 

The other party assumes the appellation of Con- 
servatives — Lovers of order — Moderates; names well 
suited to mask their real project, which is the op- 
pression of the people. This party was, eighteen 
hundred years ago, very much the same as it is to- 
day. We have all of us read about these conserva- 
tives figuratively described as a camel unable to get 
through the eye of a needle. Where they were then 
— there they are now — and there they always will 
be. This camel party, who stick on the wrong side 
of the needle, and like certain pharisees and hypo- 
crites " call good evil, and evil good ; who call light 
darkness, and darkness light," is subdivided into two 
factions, each of which hates the other, though they 
generally combine together against their common 
prey, the people. 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 15 

One of these factions is composed of the divine- 
right-absolutists, and includes the Pope, the despots, 
and a portion of the nobles, with their dependants. 
Their motto is " No concessions ;" and they are anx- 
ious to fight while they stand on the vantage ground 
and hold the resources of the State in their hands. 
The chiefs of this faction are Nicholas, Haynau, 
Metternich, Schwartzenherg, and the Pope. His 
Holiness has declared, (speaking against the pro- 
gress of the age,) "We are aware that we have been 
placed here not only to deplore, but also to crush 
these evils." 

The other faction of Camels consist of a section 
of the nobles, together with a considerable portion 
of the more timid wealthy. These hoist the banner 
of constitutional monarchy ; partly in the expectation 
of seizing, for their own advantage, (not for the be- 
nefit of the people,) some of that power of which 
imperialism may be shorn: and partly in the hope of 
pacifying the popular voice at the sole expense of 
the absolutists. This faction is by far the most dan- 
gerous enemy to the popular cause 4 because by a 
profusion of promises, (which are intended never to 
foe fulfilled,) the friends of civilization are cajoled so 
as to let pass every favorable occasion for action. 
Palmerston may be considered as the European lea- 
der of this faction. His lordship's agent in Italy is 
Azeglio, minister to the King of Sardinia. His words 
may serve to explain the state of affairs in Piedmont^ 
and the quarrel with the Pope^ more clearly than 
any arguments I could use. He says; "I venerate 
Popery ; therefore my words, however harsh they 
may be, must not be considered as the expression of 
hatred from an enemy, but rather as the effusion of 



16 A FEW WORDS ON 

grief which rises within us for the fate of a friend 
who is obstinately bent upon his own ruin." From 
this it is evident that the Pope is acting the part of 
a spoiled child, who beats his nurse for preventing 
him from burning his fingers. 

Great Britain stood in 1848 in a more exalted situ- 
ation than she had occupied since the days of Crom- 
well. Each nation of Europe, except herself, was 
convulsed to the centre. She alone stood erect, hold- 
ing the destinies of the world in her hands. Without 
firing a shot — by the mere weight of her peaceful 
influence, the nations of the earth so long oppress- 
ed could have been made free, and future convulsions 
and bloodshed could have been avoided. When the 
fortune of war placed this power in the hands of Na- 
poleon, he turned it to his own ambitious purposes, 
and paid the penalty. When Palmerston, in 1848, 
could have effected this with peace, he threw away 
the golden opportunity— and he is now reaping his 
reward. His Lordship cared nothing about Civiliza- 
tion or Humanity — but troubled himself greatly 
about the shock his order might sustain if democra- 
tic institutions should be successfully established in 
neighboring States. Frightened at the giant of his 
own nursing, his Lordship summoned to assist in its 
destruction those very potentates against whom he 
but a few days previous had excited it. This giant — 
the People — ^assailed on all sides by its avowed ene- 
mies and by its pretended friends ; sickened by Jesu- 
itical intrigue at its heart, was eventually chained 
down. The despots rushed eagerly to destroy it. 
Stab after stab have they inflicted, but the terrible 
truth that it is not mortal is at length beginning to 
be manifest to them. 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 17 

How do the despots now treat their deliverer, 
Palmerston ? Just as such a person deserves to be 
treated i They are concentrating all their energies 
to destroy him, and they will succeed, unless he lean 
upon the people for support — unless he loose the 
bonds of this giant, and call on him to save him. 
No choice is now left his Lordship, but the selection 
between Russianism, or Liberalism. If he do not, 
with a good grace, embrace the latter, he will be de- 
voured by the former ; for the coalition which Russia 
will create will be very different from that of Napo- 
leon ; into which league many of the Powers enter- 
ed unwillingly, whereas the former allies of Great 
Britain, betrayed by the Government, would now be 
its bitter foes. 

What are these dreams of Lord Palmerston, 
so ruinous for Great Britain— and so injurious to 
mankind ? Status quo ante '47 — the iniquitous trea- 
ties of 1815— a balance of power without equilibri- 
um — and trade at the price of Liberty and Honor. 
Let us look at his practical results ! Has he, during 
his somnambulism, secured the peace of the world ? 
Quite the contrary! Has he made Great Britain 
esteemed and respected by any party ? Quite the 
contrary! Has he secured internal repose to his 
own country ? Quite the contrary ! Has he dis- 
armed the ambition and hatred of Russia ? Quite 
the contrary ! Has he augmented the number of 
England's allies ? Quite the contrary ! But the old 
tottering thrones of the Pope, and other despotic 
enemies of England, have been for a few months 
propped up again — the friends of England and of 
civilization, have been proscribed — and all the conti- 
nent of Europe, is now under the influence of Russia. 

2* 



18 A FEW WORDS ON 

Though Lord Palmerston at times attects extreme 
zeal in the defence of British interests, he neverthe- 
less allowed an English family to be held as host- 
ages at Florence, where they had fled for protection, 
and where an English ambassador was residing. 
Even if the father of this family had done wrong in 
fighting against the Pope and Austria, that is no 
reason for permitting his children to be made respon- 
sible. A similar outrage was never before submit- 
ted to by any nation. But our foreign secretary at 
that time rejoiced at the persecution of all who had 
dared to resist Russianism, or who presumed to have 
opinions more liberal than those of his Lordship. 
The British Ambassador in Tuscany celebrated with 
festivities the triumph of the enemy of Italy, Eng- 
land, and Humanity. 

The first serious blow which the patriotic cause 
received was in Sicily— that spot where the first 
appeal to arms against tyranny was made. This 
disaster was brought about by the diplomacy of Lord 
Palmerston, which caused to be elected into the pro- 
visional government an undue proportion of the no- 
bility — or of persons favorable to that class. He next 
discountenanced, and caused the provisional govern- 
ment to abandon those active measures which were 
indispensable to ensure success, and used threats and 
promises, to cause the second son of Charles Albert to 
be elected king — nor was the full extent of the mis- 
chief perceived until it was too late to find a remedy. 
Lured into a false security by these deceptive arts, the 
Sicilians were eventually abandoned, and their re- 
volution was crushed. Had the energies of the peo- 
ple been permitted to have developed themselves, 
then the tyrant of Naples would have fallen, and the 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 19 

southern part of Italy, united with Rome and Tusca- 
ny ^would have been able to have accomplished the 
liberation of the remainder of that Peninsula. The 
French had not then thought about intervention — 
nor had the Prince-President then been elected. 

Even after this disaster, the cause could have 
been saved if, on the flight of the Grand Duke of 
Tuscany, that duchy had united itself with Rome, 
(as the Tuscan population wished to do,) but Lord 
Palmerston again interfered in favor of Russia, 
Austria and the Pope, and by his diplomacy, did civi- 
lization more effectual mischief than did the quad- 
ruple armed intervention. Russia and her minions tri- 
umphed, while those who trusted in the British foreign 
secretary were again betrayed. I believe, neverthe- 
less, that it is unjust to accuse his Lordship of preme- 
ditatedly betraying his country and humanity. It can- 
not be denied that he has done incalculable damage 
to every body except the Czar : but people should 
recollect, that when a panic seizes possession of a 
man's intellects, his common sense takes flight. In 
the case we are now treating of, his Lordship was 
bewildered by an insane fear of Republicanism on 
the continent, (an imaginary ill :) and dismayed by 
this phantom, he rushed blindly into the meshes of 
his wily Muscovite foe. Lord Palmerston and all 
Europe are, in consequence of these blunders, now 
menaced with something very different from a mere 
shadow. Austria, bankrupt and desperate, is united 
to the Cossacks, that she may participate in the pil- 
lage of the west. Already has she absorbed by ex- 
actions, forced loans and confiscations, "all that can 
be squeezed out of Italy and Hungary. She has on 
foot a more numerous army than was in existence 



20 A FEW WORDS ON 

even in the wars against Napoleon — not one man of 
which can be dispensed with, for revolution men- 
aces her from within. Her credit is so completely 
exhausted that even the cupidity of the stock-jobbers 
is unable to palm off any new loan upon the public. 
Nothing, therefore, remains for her to do, but to sub- 
sist like a highway-robber, by plundering the neigh- 
borhood. 

The financial situation of Russia, though not so 
deplorable as that of Austria, is nevertheless not 
brilliant. If the Autocrat diminish his army, he must 
abandon his royal 'dependants, (or satraps,) and suf- 
fer civilization to advance. If he keep up his pre- 
sent amount of forces, he cannot provide for them 
out of his national revenues. Hunger must there- 
fore impel both Emperors to fall upon Germany, 
where they may perhaps obtain some months of sub- 
sistence. But after a short stay, the same imperious 
necessity — Hunger— will drive them more westward. 
— Then may those Jesuitical French conservatives 
have the satisfaction of assisting at the representa- 
tion of the expedition to Rome, performed in Paris. 
There, these combined Croats and Cossacks may 
obtain a few scanty meals, but it is in England alone 
where they can find a plentiful repast — Albion is 
their land of promise. How stealthily is Russia work- 
ing her approaches against Great Britain. All in- 
tervening states are in turn overwhelmed, in which 
operation Lord Palmerston, with an inconceivable 
infatuation, assists to bind the victims hand and foot, 
so as to prevent their defending themselves against 
the common enemy. However, there is yet the 
hope, that the continental liberal party may over- 
come Russianism, whether their determination be or 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM.' 21 

be not pleasing to his Lordship's diplomacy — thus 
he may be saved nolens volens. 

If the British aristocracy could but divest them- 
selves of their childish terror of the word Liberalism, 
so as to examine calmly the substance, they would 
perceive that the dominion of Russia is far more to be 
dreaded by them, than can be the spread of Repub- 
licanism on the continent. Let us suppose that the 
entire continent of Europe were under the republi- 
can regime, Great Britain, which is separated from 
her neighbors by the sea, and by (what is a yet more 
effectual barrier) different habits and institutions, 
might yet continue under a monarchy. Even if the 
monarchy were to be eventually converted into a 
Republic, in consequence of the republican system 
working on the continent practically better than 
monarchy in Great Britain, the nobles would merely 
lose some empty titles, and a few privileges — their 
lives and properties would be safe. Whereas if Rus- 
sia were to become dominant, their wealth, privileges, 
liberty, and perhaps life would be lost, or enjoyed only 
by permission of the Czar. 

I will cite two or three examples of Austrian con- 
servatism in Italy. When Schwartzenberg command- 
ed a brigade at Boara, on the Aclige, he ordered, of 
the native local authorities, a certain number of ladies 
for himself and his officers ! The authorities having 
remonstrated, and explained that women of the sort 
he wanted, vjere not to be found in that part of the 
country, this imperial conservative replied angrily : 
" Then send us your wives." This occurred during a 
period of peace, was totally unconnected with poli- 
tics, and caused extreme indignation. At Ferrara, 
Dr. Cotica, as in duty bound, sent to the hospital, cer- 



22 A FEW WORDS ON 

tain females who were in a state requiring medical 
care. These females happened to be (without his 
knowing it) under the protection of the imperial troops. 
The croat commandant sent for the doctor, who sus- 
pecting no personal violence, naturally repaired to his 
lodgings, where he was tied up and flogged so severe- 
ly, that he died in consequence. Let the English 
conservatives recollect that this is what the Croats 
and Cossacks call " maintaining order." At Bologna, 
a prohibition was issued against the carrying of any 
sort of weapon or knife. A butcher going to his daily 
occupation, was taken up for having a knife in his 
possession, and immediately condemned to death, al- 
though he explained who he was, and that the instru- 
ment was requisite for his trade. He was shot, and 
fell wounded, but not killed. In that state, yet alive, 
without taking the trouble to give him the coup 
de grace, the grave was filled up over him. Volumes 
of such examples could be furnished, and it is to de- 
fend themselves against such atrocities that the na- 
tion rises : all who impede the people from protecting 
themselves, are accessaries to these crimes. 

Both the American and British public are mis- 
informed respecting the feasibility of establishing 
constitutional monarchies on the continent of Eu- 
rope. They draw their conclusions, as to the suit- 
ableness of that system, from seeing the greatness of 
England, without considering collateral circumstan- 
ces. Great Britain has flourished in despite of, but 
not in consequence of monarchy. 

The prosperity of the English is due to their in- 
dustry, not to their government. How inferior is 
the royal to the republican side of the American lakes, 
though the Canadian territory is the most fertile. No 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 23 

better example than the flourishing condition of the 
United States* could be produced to show what the 
English race is capable of, when allowed to do the 
best they can for themselves, unshackled by royal 
protection. This colonial limb, which, seventy years 
ago separated itself from the mother country, and 
turned republican, has now become nearly as great 
as the body of which it formerly was but a small 
part. 

Constitutional monarchy is composed of three 
elements : the monarchical, the aristocratic, and the 
democratic. In England, the middle portion is the 
preponderating power: thus the balance is more 
easily kept steady, and the extremes are prevented 
from coming in contact. But on the continent, the 
middle portion only exists nominally, consequently 
the extremes come into frequent collision. Under 
constitutional monarchy, as well as under repub- 
licanism, popular suffrage is to a certain extent 
practised : but under the former regime, it is sub- 
jected to the corrupt action of patronage, intimida- 
tion, and direct bribery. As Philip De Boni so justly 
observes, "under a republican government, the virtues 
of the people ascend upwards and operate upon the 
rulers ; while under royalty, the vices of the court 
descend into the nation and corrupt it." 

Constitutional monarchy (on the continent at 
least) requires its spies as much as a pure despotism 
does : its diplomacy is equally intriguing and slip- 
pery : the promotions in the public service are dictat- 
ed by nepotism : education and morals are neglect- 
ed : religion is turned into a state engine : the poor 
are oppressed, and hatred is engendered between 
classes. All its complicated machinery is continually 



24 A FEW WORDS ON 

out of order, and is extremely expensive — a very old 
proverb reminds us that "the more a government 
costs, the worse it is." How much more economical, 
practical, and suitable to the wants of the people 
is the republican form — therefore, if it should be con- 
sidered requisite for a people to go through a prelimi- 
nary education under one form, to fit them for the 
other, it is with the Republican regime that they 
should begin. 

The Romans in '49, selected that form best suited 
to them, and showed that they appreciated the advan- 
tages of Republicanism — so enthusiastic were they 
in defence of that government, which bid fair to keep 
them in their rightful station among the family of 
nations, and in civilization, that the women vied 
with the men in their devotion to the cause. Many 
fought, and some were killed by the side of their 
husbands or brothers : others tended the hospitals, 
bestowing the same care upon the wounded 
French soldiers, their prisoners, as upon 
their own citizens. the triumvirate sent 
from Rome, surgeons and dressings to the 
French invaders, who had not sufficient of 
their own. I have in vain searched history to find 
a parallel to such acts. 

In selecting a form of government, historical 
recollections have much weight with a nation. His- 
tory reminds the Italians of no constitutional mon- 
archy, but of much republican glory. In any future 
movement, that very perilous interregnum, between 
the subversion of the usurping tyranny and the 
establishment of a national government, will be 
avoided, since the people have already decided upon 
their system, and have elected their legal represen 



POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 25 

tatives, who continue to be the depository of the 
national interests, and who, though in exile, are only 
waiting the moment when it will be their duty to 
re-appear at their posts. 

In the revolution of 1847-48 the Republican party, 
rather than risk that a dissention might arise, stifled 
their political opinions, and aided the constitutional 
monarchists against the absolutists ; thus performing 
the greatest act of self-devotion. But these infa- 
tuated constitutional-monarchists, having proved their 
incapacity, and having ruined themselves, should 
henceforth silence all factious opposition, if they have 
any patriotism, and aid the Republicans to accom- 
plish that task they themselves failed in performing. 

Let us devote a few lines to examine (setting aside 
theory) how the different systems worked practically 
in Italy. Were not the defenders of Venice and of 
Rome republicans? On the other hand, were not 
the interests of the nation sacrificed by the royalists 
and papists? Did not the republicans open the doors 
of the Inquisition, and abolish that institution ? Did 
not the royalists and papists re-establish it, and fill 
its cells with victims? Have not all the Princes (not 
in Italy alone, but all over the continent,) violated 
those constitutions, to which, in a moment of panic, 
they had registered their consent, sanctified by a 
solemn oath? Consider not that the Italians have 
been duped more than their neighbors — all the con- 
tinent has been deceived by these imperial and royal 
hypocrites — the Italians with the rest, but not more than 
the others. If one nation has been cheated more than 
another, it is FRANCE. That great nation is now 
furnishing the world with an illustration of what 
evils Jesuit and royalist craft can accomplish, even 



26 *A FEW WORDS Otf 

in a republic — deplorable as Is her condition now, a 
yet more bitter cup awaits her. 

Observe the conduct of the Romans since they 
have been overwhelmed by the combination of des- 
pots. Are these republicans conquered ? NO ! Are 
the despots nearer their object? NO! They are 
farther off than ever ; they have consolidated in the 
minds of the masses those principles they were 
desirous of eradicating ; they have made that uni- 
versal which was before only general. The mercy, 
forgiveness, and moderation of the patriots, have been 
rewarded by floggings, extortions, confiscations, ban- 
ishments, executions, and calumnies ; but the day of 
atonement is not distant. The nations of the earth 
have now learned by experience, that it is not sufficient 
to have mere abstract Right on their side 5 but that they 
must likewise have Might ; and that they must not 
cherish vipers in their bosoms. The clandestine press 
is again at work, circulating its propaganda through 
every pore of the nation: neither the ingenuity of the 
Jesuits, nor the espionage of the police, nor the bay- 
onets of the coalition, can stop its progress. 

One of the mistakes which contributed to injure 
the popular cause, was the disregard and contempt 
which the People had for the intrigues of Popery 
and Despotism. Bear this in mind, Americans, and 
suffer not yourselves to be misled into the same fatal 
error; never under-rate the power of your enemy. 
Observe that PorERY is the first weapon with which 
the Czar attacks England. His imperial majesty 
leagues himself with the same insiduous foe, whom 
the Emperor of Austria, at the recommendation of 
Schlegel in 1828, encouraged and strengthened, for 
the purpose of injuring you. There is hope that the 



POPEUY AND DESPOTISM. 27 

step taken by the Pope in England, may prove prema- 
ture, and may serve to arouse the nation to a per- 
ception of its danger. There is hope that the con- 
servative party in England may not imitate the ex- 
ample of their fellows on the continent, and impede 
the people from defending themselves from the 
Nortern Autocrat. 

You Americans cannot look on at these events 
with indifference. England is nearest to the scene 
of action ; if she succumb, your turn comes next, and 
quickly. The same instrument, Popery, will be used 
against you, to sow discord aixd disorder in your 
country, that the Cossacks and Croats may "restore 
order." Have you no recollection, during the Mexican 
war, of certain papist deserters, who left your ranks 
to side with their co-religionists ? How much more 
forcible would the case present itself- if the Pope 
himself were among the ranks of the enemy, and 
supremacy over their fellow- citizens on earth, with 
paradise in heaven, were to be held out to them by his 
Holiness as a reward ? 

Nor is what I have just noticed as having occurred 
in Mexico, to be considered as an isolated case ; a 
true Papist is bound to consider the interests of his 
religion, (as designated by the ecclesiastics,) as pre- 
eminent above every other consideration. In Italy, 
do not the priests league themselves w T ith the foreign 
invaders, to enslave their country? Do not all those 
of this class, in Switzerland, France, and everywhere 
else, do the same ? The "Essule Italiano," an Italian 
newspaper of New- York, 10th August, 1850, gives a 
case in point, of a Jesuit being employed in treasonable 
intrigues respecting the fortress of Alexandria, which 
the Austrians have, for a long time, coveted. This 



23 A FEW WORDS OX POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 

letter from the Jesuit father, Vigna, to Count Bolza, 
head of the police in- Milan,- gives an example of the 
treason of the Jesuits, as well as of their immorality, 
in searching for such agents as are in needy circum- 
stances. He begins by lamenting the " innumerable 
evils to which the venerable company of Jesus" was 
subjected in Piedmont, and praised the paternal 
government of the Emperor of Austria ; hoped for 
the vengeance of God against the common enemy, 
and added that "although trust is to be placed in divine 
assistance, nevertheless, human co-operation is by no 
means to be despised" The Reverend Father then 
explained that he had found a professor who would 
be a " most fitting instrument in Alexandria, a very 
learned man, with limited means of existence, therefore 
easy to be allured by the bait of a bribe" "Alexandria 
is a most important place, and this professor is a most 
appropriate person" 

You Americans are free and happy — Your an- 
cestors won you your Liberty ; do not, however 
imagine that it does not require vigilant watch- 
ing. The intercourse between the old and new 
world is such, that, if the former be in bondage, you 
cannot long continue free ; either its inhabitants must 
become as you are, or you as they are. Remember 
that your friends are our friends ; that your enemies 
are our enemies; and that the happiness of the human 
family, with the peace and tranquility of the world, 
depend, mainly, upon the triumph or the destruction 
of Civil and Religious Liberty in Italy. 

H. FORBES. 



D. Fanshaw, Printer and Stereotyper, 
35 Ann, corner of Nassau -street. 



NOV. SECOND EDITION. 1850. 

Published for distribution, by the Boston Young Men's Society in favor of Italy. 

FORBES'S ANSWER 

rt 

TO 

ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 



In the Lecture published by the Roman Catholic Arch- 
bishop Hughes, in the present year, under the title of 
"The Chukcii and the World," there appear several 
remarks whieh I cannot allow to pass wholly without com- 
ment, inasmuch as they are directed against the present 
European movement in favor of civilization. 

He has styled Pius IX. "the Man op the Age," and 
justly ; for he will certainly be remembered, to the latest 
posterity, as the man who mainly contributed to accomplish 
(not by his genius or humanity, but through his blindness, 
and entirely against his will, ) the great work of the age — 
the annihilation of Popery and its foundations — the super- 
stition and ignorance of the people. 

Respecting the numerous enconiums bestowed upon him, 
I shall merely observe that I by no means acquiesce in 
them, nor do I lack reasons in abundance for entertaining 
these opinions ; but I shall not bestow any time upon dis- 
cussing that matter, simply because I cannot permit myself, 
by entering upon personalities, to be drawn away from the 
main question — from the discussion of Principles. 

Our adversaries invariably resort to personal abuse instead 
of argument, in order to draw the attention of their oppo- 
nents from the main question of Popery, and force them to 
devote their time to their own personal defence, as is the 
case at present with Achilli, who is devoting that time and 
those mental energies to conducting a law-suit, which ought 
to have been exclusively occupied in combatting Popery. 



FORBES'S ANSWER TO 



Some there are who would retaliate, mud for mud, (and 
materials are not wanting,) but even that is a loss of time, 
and soils one's fingers. The best answer is to redouble the 
activity of the attack upon the main question, and never be 
drawn from it, under any pretext whatever ; for if we were 
to follow their example, they would not fail to adduce it as a 
proof that we dared not discuss the question of papacy upon 
its merits, without first creating prejudices against it. As I 
have accused their party of dealing in abusive language, 
a specimen from their chief may perhaps be both inter- 
esting and instructive to the American public. Some per- 
sons may differ in political and in religious opinions, from those 
referred to in the anathema of his Holiness, but there are 
none who do not 'respect them as citizens, and who do not 
believe that their endeavors are prompted by philanthropic 
motives. Yet so intolerant of all its opponents is the spirit 
of Popery, that the American evangelical societies are thus 
spoken of: " Certain societies in which is collected, (as 
in one common receptacle,) whatever heresy, or the most 
impious sects offer of crime, of sacrilege, and of blasphe- 
my." . . . . " This was the object of the impious 
ravings and scheme of the Waldenses, of the Begurdians, 
of the Wicklifiites, and other children of Belial, the refuse 
of human nature and its stain." . . . . "To attain 
their object the more easily and readily, they fearlessly wade 
through every crime." Then follows an injunction to the 
Prelates to appeal for support to the power and authority of 
the Princes, since the Pope presumes that they must be 
aware that it is for their interest to uphold his church. 

At the epoch of the elevation of Pius IX. to the Papal 
throne, Italy was in such a state of feverish excitement, 
brought about by centuries of misrule, that the government 
had no other choice than to select between Reform and 
Revolution. The Papal Court was then divided between 
two parties ; — the one was composed of the Austro-Jesuit 
faction, who maintained that one concession only paves the 
way for another. These men preferred running the hazard 
of a revolution, and commencing the struggle while they 
stood on the vantage ground ; having the services of all the 
civil and religious organization at their disposal, and their 
adversaries being weak — rather than making their resistance 



ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 6 

after they had abdicated a portion of their power. The 
other faction was equally desirous of saving Popery, but 
differed as to the means. They hoped to avoid the impend- 
ing storm by the timely concession of a few reforms in some 
of its grossest abuses. The confessor of the Pope, Padre 
Graziosi, Cardinal Micari, and the advocate Silvani, private 
friends of Pius, belonged to this party, which was supported 
by the influence and promises of a certain diplomatist, then 
at enmity with the Austrian and French ministry, on account 
of the affair of the Spanish marriages. The Pope feared, 
on the one hand, the consequences of a revolution, and on 
the other hand, had a truly papal horror of reforms. He 
therefore, (as all timid people do,) decided upon a course 
which was the most dangerous of all ; he tried to satisfy the 
compromise party, by granting the least possible quantity of 
reform, while he consoled himself and the Austro- Jesuit par- 
ty by nullifying these concessions in every possible manner. 

The fact of a Pope conceding to any reform whatever \ 
was such a novelty, that mankind seemed to think the mil- 
lenium had commenced. Subsequent events have, however, 
cleared up the mystery, and unravelled the riddle. After 
the sudden death which overtook Graziosi, Micari, and Sil- 
vani, the compromise party at the Court of Rome became 
extinct, and the advocates of despotism and extermination 
had the entire direction of pontifical affairs, both in Church 
and State. 

The Archbishop has, likewise, at the very beginning of 
his Lecture, fallen into another error. He represents the 
revolution of Paris as preceding that of Palermo. The 
revolution of Palermo occurred on the 12th of January, 
1848; that of Paris on the 23d and 24th of Feb. following, 
and may be considered as an echo, (but not the only one,) 
of the Italian liberal Propaganda. 

The Archbishop appears astonished that the result of the 
agitations and revolutions of 1847-8 should be a state of 
things throughout Europe in 1850, much more oppressive 
than that which previously existed ; and this he attributes to 
the world having, during the Reformation, wrested out of the 
hands of the church the task of ameliorating the condition 
of mankind. He endeavors to show that the Roman Cath- 
olic religion harmonized the conflicting elements of society, 



FORBES's ANSWER TO 



made monarchs humane, and populations submissive. He 
says, " When the church had sway, nations had no despots — 
I mean of the absolute stamp." . . . " One of her 
(the church's) crimes, in the false accusation of modern 
times, is that she undertook to support despotic kings." 

In reply to these observations, I desire to remark that we 
to-day behold nothing other than the natural result of the 
course pursued by the too-confiding people in the years 
1847, '48. and '49 The epidemic which pervaded the 
world in 1847-8 was that inconceivable delusion, that the 
Pope, despots, and nobles would peaceably abdicate their 
usurped sway over mankind. Fearing the consequences of 
open, undisguised opposition to the national will, they yield- 
ed to the crafty recommendation of Palmerston, and the 
eyes of the world were dazzled by the phantasmagoria of a 
reforming Pope and reforming princes ! And, as if that 
were not sufficient completely to bewilder the people, we are 
next treated to the farce of ultra royalist nobles suddenly 
transformed into red republicans ! Iconic there were among 
the people who did not place any confidence in these mira- 
culous conversions ; but unfortunately the multitude were 
misled by them. For the honest mechanics could not be- 
lieve that even Popes, princes, or nobles could be guilty of 
such falsehood, ingratitude, and baseness. "With liberty on 
their lips, and treason in their hearts, these nobles were 
allowed to retain the direction of public affairs, and for a 
time to trample down the patriots. In what position 
do the victors now stand ? They are this day in greater 
fear of the vanquished than the vanquished are of those, 
who, through the means of deceit and treachery, are now 
their oppressors. 

Nor can I admit that the above inference of the Arch- 
bishop is a just one. The revolution is far from being 
over ; it is now merely in progress ; and the country may 
justly be likened to a strong man whose health has been 
injured by a long course of intemperance and vice, conse- 
quent upon a neglected education and the bad example of 
his tutors. Reduced to a desperate condition, this man has 
at length turned over a new leaf — dismissing his monarehial 
and priestly quacks, and commencing a course of medicine 
and diet. Would the state of exhaustion or inconvenience 



ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. O 

in which this man might feel himself during the progress of his 
cure, be a fair test between the comparative merits of bis for- 
mer method of life and that of any virtuous sober neighbor; 
especially when the dismissed and disgraced authors of his 
ruin should have conspired to disturb his repose, and mali- 
ciously to adulterate his medicine with poisons? 

I entertain no doubt as to the ultimate annihilation of 
Popery, and all its coadjutors ; but I see that, before going 
to its own place, it will tear and lacerate the body of its 
victim, as did the unclean spirit. Mark 1 : 25-26, and 
Luke 9 : 42. 

The assertion of the Archbishop, that despotism did not 
exist in the dark ages, is somewhat at variance with all that 
history has yet written. I have always seen this period 
described as having been one continued exhibition of climac- 
tic ruffianism : commencing with the barons' retainers, who 
overawed the peasantry ; ascending step by step to the 
chiefs who domineered over their men-at-arms ; till we arrive 
at the yet wider despotism of the princes, who, in their turn, 
were prtest-ridden ! 

The Archbishop infers that the Roman Catholic religion 
was the friend of ameliorations, because some reforms, and 
especially that great instrument called the Magna Charta 
had the good luck to exist previous to the days of Luther 
and Calvin. Did any (even the very least of them) take 
their rise from the priesthood ? It would be just as appro- 
priate to style George III. a republican, because the Decla- 
ration of Independence was signed and successfully upheld 
during his reign. I must confess my surprise that the 
Archbishop has ventured to refer to this Magna Charta as a 
proof of popish liberality and love of reform. As a histo- 
rian, he ought to know that it makes directly against his 
cause. Let us look at the facts relating to it. John of 
England had a dispute with Innocent ILL in the year 1207, 
respecting the nomination to the See of Canterbury. In 
consequence of this, England was excommunicated by the 
Pope in the following year, 1208, and John himself was 
put to the Ban in 1209. In the year 1213, we find John 
obliged to barter his kingdom to the Pope to obtain for- 
giveness. 

In consequence of this transfer, and to save themselves 



6 FORBES's ANSWER TO 

from this popish usurpation, which was even more oppres- 
sive than the mere royal tyranny, the barons revolted, and 
obliged John, (who continued in England as the local ruler, 
though he bowed as vassal to the Pope,) to accept their 
conditions, embodied in the Magna Charta, June, 1215. 

As soon as this was known to the Pope, he issued his 
Bull, August 25, 1215, in the following language, (Eymer 
Clarke,) — "We entirely reprobate and condemn a com- 
pact of this kind, ( compositionem hvjus modi,) prohibiting, 
under the threat of anathema, (lest the said king should 
presume to observe it, or the barons, with their accomplices, 
should enact its observance,) as well the said charter, as its 
obligations or provisions, and making it void and of no ef- 
fect." On the same day the Pope issued an epistle, in the 
same strain, to the English barons; but no notice being 
taken of it, it was followed by ban and interdict, (Math. 
Paris, page 270,) with the direction to the Bishops, " That 
they should solemnly publish it through all England, ac- 
cording to our sentence, on all Sabbath and feast days, with 
the ringing of bells and the burning of candles, until the 
barons shall render satisfaction to their Lord the King, for 
the injuries and damages inflicted, and faithfully return to 
his service." 

What a remarkable similarity there is between the liber- 
ality of Innocent III. and that of Pius IX. ! The Pope's 
Encyclical of last December, in which he inveighs against 
what he calls " the new art of printing'' may be perhaps 
considered by the Archbishop as a proof of his civilization ! 

The epoch at which the church was at its zenith of power, 
prior to the reformation, is cited by the Archbishop as the 
most perfect state of human society, either before or since 
known in the world, " from whence we derive the little good 
we now enjoy." He therefore must, of course, consider 
that trial by combat, by fire, or by miracle, is better than 
our jury system — that the arbitrary decrees of princes, 
dictated by their confessor, are better than laws made by 
the freely elected deputies of the people — that the caprice 
of a baron is better than the habeas corpus and a court of 
justice — that the inquisition is preferable to freedom of 
conscience, (which the Bull of the Pope has declared to be 
a "pestilential error") — ignorance better than educa- 



ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. i 

tion — convents preferable to schools — no roads to rail- 
roads — that Bulls of the Pope are more desirable than 
what his Holiness stigmatizes as being " that worst and 
never sufficiently to be execrated liberty of the press." 
Such the Archbishop avows to be his opinion ; but I think 
it will require more eloquence than is possessed by all the 
Archbishops in the world, and more miracles than the pres- 
ent Pope and all his predecessors have conjured up, to per- 
suade the Americans to take his view of the matter, and 
to barter their liberty for his slavery. 

I do not here pretend to discuss matters of dogma ; but 
as I have an Archbishop in hand, I may be excused allud- 
ing to the 2d Epistle Corin. 3d chapter, 17th verse, which 
says: — "Where the spirit of the Lord is, there is 
LIBERTY.' ' Now in no part of the world is there less of 
Liberty than there is at Borne ; therefore in no part of the 
world is there less of the spirit of that Lord, whose priest 
the Archbishop professes to be. How much more simple it 
would be, if things were but called by their proper names : if, 
instead of calling Popery "The Roman Catholic Religion" 
it were to be styled in plain English, " Thai wonderfully 
organized and tremendously powerful political engine — 
POPERY." 

We now come to that very important part of the Arch- 
bishop's Lecture which treats of the right of insurrection; i. e. 
of revolution. He says, " The Catholic Church does not 
recognize the principle that the people may change their 
government when they will." This, there is no doubt, is 
the doctrine of Popery ; but I am surprised that the Arch- 
bishop (who is in general so very cautious in his expres- 
sions,) should have published, in the United States, an 
explicit avowal of this principle. He is, however, acting 
under the influence of another fixed principle of Popery — 
viz. the doctrine of expediency — and he strives to qualify 
the above avowal by the addition of a most ambiguous pro- 
viso, so as not to shock the Americans by blaming their 
revolution of '76, while he at the same time retains his hold 
upon the passive obedience and divine-right doctrine of 
Popery. This Popish doctrine of expediency is most 
mysterious. We find some persons handed over to the in- 
quisition and to the executioner for expressing, or for being 



8 FORBES'S ANSWER TO 

suspected of entertaining liberal ideas ; while others meet 
with rewards and promotions for pretending to these same 
opinions. 

The Archbishop explains that the Roman Catholic Church 
desires il not servile, but reasonable obedience," and he adds 
that revolution is proper " when the injury to the people is 
more than the benefit to the government." 

Hence arise two questions — First, What is the rule by 
which the church distinguishes 'servile " from " reasonable 
obedience? " Secondly, By what rule can we test whether 
the injury to the people be greater than the benefit to the 
government ? The first of these queries can best be an- 
swered by referring to the Bulls and acts of Infallible 
Popes, and noting Che motives for which they have at times 
excited the resistance of the people against their rulers, and 
vice versa. Gregory IL, in the eighth century, fomented 
a revolt amongst the Romans, Venetians, Lombards, and 
all Italy in general, not to free the people from bondage, 
but merely to augment his own authority. Gregory VII. 
(1073) deposed Henry of Germany, and raised against him 
a bloody war, in which, however, the anathemas of the Pope 
proved of little avail against his rival, and his infallible 
Holiness having overreached himself, was eventually excom- 
municated for simony, perjury, sacrilege, scandal, sorcery, 
necromancy, infidelity, heresy, and beringarianism. This 
war, in which the people were excited against their sover- 
eign, and foreigners likewise were called upon to assist in 
the Pope's behalf, was not to liberate an oppressed people, 
but, as usual, merely to extend papal dominion. 

The enumeration of the various cases in which the people 
were excited by the Popes against their rulers, would take 
a volume in itself. Each instance invariably had for its ob- 
ject papal aggrandisement. These proceedings were always 
accompanied on the part of the Pope by absolving from oaths, 
&c, &c, the history of which furnishes some most atrocious 
examples of perjury and blasphemy, all for the aggrandise- 
ment of the Papacy or the oppression of the people, as in 
the case of Edward of England, whom in the year 1306 
the Pope Clement absolved of his oath to observe the char- 
ter, and at the same time anathematized such of his subjects 
as should dare to insist upon the king's observance of such 
an oath. 



ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 9 

Amidst the mass of horrors revealed in this oath-absolv- 
ing process of the Popes, (which the Archbishop would do 
well to become better versed in before he delivers any more 
lectures in praise of their civilizing propensities,) we stum- 
ble upon one fact which has something of the ludicrous 
mixed up with it. Paul V., having in his infallibility taken 
an oath, which he subsequently found to be inconvenient, 
by this same presumption of infallibility, absolved himself 
of his oath! (1555). 

When we look at the opposite side of the question, and 
take examples of rulers exhorted and praised for the massa- 
cre of their people, we find these acts to be dictated by the 
same motives — Popish ambition and intolerance. On the 
occasion of the massacre of St. Bartholomew, for instance, 
Gregory XIII. went in procession to the Church of St. 
Louis, to return thanks to God ; and he sent his congratu- 
lations to the "most Christian King" for a deed "so long 
meditated and so happily executed. " If we wish an ex- 
ample of rulers stirred up against the people, in the present 
day, we have Pius IX., who might have enjoyed the full 
exercise of his spiritual functions, with a revenue of four 
hundred thousand dollars per annum, his palaces, &c, &c, 
but which he refused, unless he could enjoy his temporal 
powek likewise. Of this affair we have seen the commence- 
ment, but We HAVE NOT YET SEEN THE END. His HolineSS 

would do well to reflect upon the fate of Gregory VII. 

We next come to the test by which to decide whether the 
11 tyranny be of greater injury to the people than it is ben- 
efit to the government." I must here state explicitly, that 
I cannot recognize any other question as meriting public 
attention, than this : Have the people, or have they not, 
suffered injury from the tyranny exercised upon them "i The 
archepiscopal idea of endeavoring to strike a balance between 
the injury to the people and the benefit to the govern- 
ment, is an admission on the part of the prelate that a gov- 
ernment may be permitted to have interests in opposition 
to those of the public, and demonstrates that he advo- 
cates a principle that strikes at the very root of republican- 
ism. It is manifestly placing the ' ' divine right" (as under- 
stood by Popes and despots,) in direct opposition to public 
right. Either the government is the servant (or hired 



1* 



10 FORBES* S ANSWER TO 

agent) of the citizens, or the people are the humble subjects 
of the government. If the former be the case, then cer- 
tainly the people are as much justified as any other employer 
would be, in dismissing an agent who is not doing their work 
to their satisfaction. If the Archbishop denies this proposi- 
tion, let him frankly tell the American people that he does 
deny it. Let a public agent in this country try the experi- 
ment, and impudently talk of divine rights and of private 
interests at variance with the public welfare. 

Should the people, overcome by compassion and a desire to 
forgive, consider that the maladministration of their agent 
were caused by the ruinous and vicious system introduced 
by his predecessors, and should they be satisfied with a mere 
change of method ^without dismissal, then would this ser- 
vant be bound to the public by an immense debt of grati- 
tude ; and treason on his part would he the more infamous. 
Such is the history of the recent events in Europe — the 
errors of the people have all been on the side of kindness 
and of goodness. That the result thus far should have 
proved disastrous, is not their fault but their misfortune — 
if they be, imposed upon again, after the experience they 
have so dearly bought, then, indeed, it will be their fault. 
Hear what the Roman people say to the Pope upon this 
subject. 

' ' Giovanni Mastai, how long will you insult your country, 
and she bear with you? " . . • . "Oh senseless we ! 
that we should ever have believed you — ever have applaud- 
ed your feigned promises and ephemeral concessions, to find 
ourselves deluded in our hopes, and cheated of our hap- 
piness." 

What does Mazzini say upon this subject? " On all sides 
thousands have fallen — some by the hand of the executioner, 
some on the field of battle, some from hunger and want, in 
exile. With a smile on their lips, with defiance on their 
brow, with that calm serenity which can belong only to those 
who have a consciousness of having completed their mission, 
these martyrs met their fate." 

Looking at the 18th chapter of Revelation, 6th, 7th, 8th, 
and 9th verses, we find in allusion to the destruction of a 
certain lady in scarlet, — ' ' Reward her even as she re- 
warded you, and double unto her double according to her 



ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 11 

works ; in the cup which she hath filled, fill to her double. 
How much she hath glorified herself, and lived deliciously, 
so much torment and sorrow give her ; for she saith in her 
heart, I sit a queen, and am no widow, and shall see no 
sorrow. Therefore shall her plagues come in one day, 
death, and mourning, and famine ; and she shall he utterly 
burned with fire ; for strong is the Lord God that judgeth 
her. And the kings of the earth who have committed for- 
nication and lived deliciously with her, shall bewail her and 
lament for her." 

Let us suppose that the question had to be decided, 
whether the injury to the people were greater than the ben- 
efit to the government, — before whom could the point be 
argued, and who could give a verdict V The Americans are 
acknowledged by the Archbishop to be the fittest judges of 
their own affairs ; can he debar the Romans from the same 
right, and force them to submit to the decision of the Pope, 
the despots, the Jesuits, and their adherents ? 

The Roman people, after the voluntary flight of the Pope, 
in November, 1848, elected a constituent assembly charged 
to form a constitution. These elections took place by uni- 
versal suffrage — amidst the most remarkable good order — 
and the Republic was legally and solemnly declared, amidst 
universal satisfaction. Until the Romans had freed them- 
selves from the thraldom under which they had been held 
by the Papal government, it was impossible to take the 
opinion of the nation through the ballot box. The Romans 
have endured Popery for some centuries, and surely they 
must be the most competent judges of its merits. 

Nor is the present the first struggle of the Romans against 
popish oppression. The history of Rome shows a series of 
attempts to free itself from this servitude, which has been 
forced upon its population by fraud and violence. In 1815 
the people protested against it ; and the authorities of 
Bologna warned the Pope not to stop in that city, or they 
could not guarantee the maintenance of public tranquility. 
If Popery was disliked by the Romans in times gone by, 
when the mass of the people were bigoted believers in its 
doctrines, how much more odious must it appear now that 
their faith is shaken, and that the Pope (refusing to accept 
his spiritualities without his temporalities) has appealed to 



12 FORBES* S ANSWER TO 

foreign despots to reinstate him as an absolute prince, 
causing his capital to be bombarded, and the citizens to be 
massacred. 

The Archbishop asserts that the late efforts on the part of 
the Italians to throw off the yoke of despotism were not 
sanctified by a sufficient justification ; therefore, that they 
are unworthy of being treated other than as ungrateful and 
rebellious subjects, and that the American revolution of 76 
is not to be compared with the late European outbreaks. 
1. Because the Americans were justified in their resistance, 
the conduct of the British government having been oppress- 
ive. 2. Because the leading men of the revolution of 
'76 were religious men. " They reverenced, or at least 
professed to reverence, God. They recognized the rights 
of property/' And, 3. Because the American revolu- 
tion succeeded, while the European struggle has (so far as 
it has yet proceeded) failed. 

The Archbishop having declared that the Americans of 
'75-6 were justified, while the Romans of '47 were not justi- 
fied, let us take a view of the causes of complaint of the one 
and of the other. In treating of this matter, I by no means 
wish to speak slightingly of the motives of the Americans in 
their revolution ; but I desire to demonstrate to the citizens 
of the United States that the Romans had much stronger 
reasons for their resistance. 

The great grievance of the American colonies in '74 and 
75 was the being taxed without having a share in the repre- 
sentation. In this they were quite right to resist ; but, by 
the same rule, the Romans have the same right. If, in 73, 
the Bostonians did right in pitching the tea overboard, then 
the Romans did equally right in pitching Popery overboard. 
In America, personal liberty at least was protected, while 
in the states of the Pope any person could be (as now) 
thrown arbitrarily into prison, or into the inquisition, and 
there kept for an indefinite period. In America, there was 
trial by jury ; not so in the states of the church, where, if 
sometimes the authorities should consider it expedient to go 
through the formality of a trial, the government not only 
named the judges and the law officers for the prosecution, 
but likewise the lawyer for defending the accused. The 
avocato Ulisse Pantoni of Forli was banished and suspended 



ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 13 

from practising in the profession, for conscientiously defend- 
ing certain liberals for whom he had been named counsel 
before the special court convoked at llavenna, in 1832, and 
for refusing to deliver to the papal government some papers 
proving the innocence of the accused, which papers the 
Pope's police eventually took by force out of his study. 

Among other iniquities in this affair, one of the prisoners 
accused of having killed a carbineer, proved that, on the 
night in question, he was at bis home, a great distance away 
from the spot indicated, and that a Franciscan friar, on a 
journey, having called at his father's house, slept that night 
in his room. The friar, when cited, corroborated the asser- 
tion ; and in consequence he was severely reprimanded, and 
sent to the inquisition at Rome, for giving evidence without 
having first consulted his superior. ( Vide ultimi fatti di 
Romagna. M. Azeglio.) 

In America, the citizens could travel or visit each other 
without any impediment ; whereas, in Italy, any one moving 
but a few miles from his home, without a passport, would be 
immediately imprisoned. Any one giving a friend, or even a 
member of his own family, a night's lodging, and neglecting 
to report the fact to the police by twelve o'clock the next 
day, was (and is) liable to severe penalties. Americans had 
liberty of conscience — of the press — of education. Not so 
the Romans; many of whom have been imprisoned, and have 
even lost their lives for being suspected of not thinking 
as the papal government wishes people to think. Ameri- 
cans were not subject to the intolerable nuisance of political 
and domestic spies — but the Romans have not only political 
spies in every nook and corner of the country, but their 
wives, their children, and domestics, being forced to go very 
frequently to the Father Confessor, they are so questioned 
by the priest as to be made to act the spy upon their parents 
and upon each other. In America there were no monopo- 
lies — while in Rome there hardly exists any thing free from 
monopoly. The lives and properties of Americans were 
protected — not so the Romans ; for the police being occu- 
pied exclusively with politics, can never give their time to 
matters of such secondary importance as looking after mere 
robbers and assassins. Add to these every species of vice and 
corruption, in every department of the State ; the intolerable 
2 



14 FORBES's ANSWER TO 

tyranny and arrogance of the priestly magistrates ; and a list 
of other evils too long to enumerate separately. 

Let us observe the dignified and temperate words of the 
Roman People, convened by the popular club, in the Spring 
of '49, for the purpose of composing an address to the Pope; 
which document, having been voted at a public meeting, 
must be considered as a true sample of the opinion of the 
mass of the citizens. They say : — " It is not the word Re- 
public we are in love with, but we want a wise, prudent, and 
just government. Now this, call it by what name you will, 
is what we have always wanted, and we have a right to it. 
To this point we tried to urge you ; from which, the govern- 
ment of the Popes had so far receded. This act, simple, 
and full of justice and moderation, you designate the product 
of unbridled license, and the audacity of depraved passions ; 
and those men, who, from love of country, attempted it, you 
call the enemies of God and man. Silence, false Pontiff ! 
and profane not thus the name of GOD ! " 

Let us see what are the demands of the people, as ex- 
pressed by Mazzini, who was, (and is,) the most remarkable 
of the Roman Triumvirate. He says, "what are the de- 
mands of the people? Nationality. Freedom. The pro- 
tection of just laws, instead of the arbitrary caprice of an 
usurpation. We will select for our rulers those citizens 
most conspicuous for their virtues and intelligence. We will 
have education for all — food for the mind — bread for the 
body. That the will of God be done on earth as it is in 
Heaven. " 

The next objection of the Archbishop to classing the Ital- 
ian movement with that of 76 is, he says, because the Amer- 
ican revolutionists were religious men. " They revered, or 
at least professed to revere, God. They recognized the rights 
of property." The Archbishop here seems puzzled to de- 
cide whether these men really revered, or merely professed 
to revere God. Since he is in a mist, there I must leave 
him to find his own way out. If he were to refer to the 
Pope's encyclical of last December, which says, "The 

EASIER TO DECEIVE THE PEOPLE, THEY PRETEND THAT PrO- 
TKSTANTISM IS BUT ANOTHER FORM Of CHRISTIANITY," he 

mi^ht by chance get some light thrown upon this difficult 
question. When the time shall arrive in which he can 



ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 15 

venture to speak out his opinion, perhaps he may let us 
know it. 

Before dismissing this second objection I must quote a few 
lines from the above mentioned address of the Roman 
People, just to exemplify their religious opinions. In speak- 
ing of the Papal Government they say, " The first care was 
given to the heaping up of gold and silver ; but none was 
bestowed to giving to the Church the truths of the Word of 
God." "When you left Rome, the Bible entered it ! " 
and again, " If you appeal to the religion of the canons, we 
stand by the Holy religion of the Gospel ; You belie 
it, — yes ! We believe in the Christ of God, and our faith 
daily increases on comparing His doctrine with your prac- 
tice," &c, &c. 

Having heard what the people say, let us now hear what 
Mazzini says, in his address to the Roman Priests : 

" For a long time a divorce has existed between the 
Catholic Church and humanity. This divorce is most fatal ; 
since without Christianity, no state of society founded on 
brotherly love and charity can exist ; without Christianity, 
there can be neither peace nor true liberty ; without Christ- 
ianity, our corrupt nature will always resist every important 
reformation, and we shall have neither a country nor any 
thing whatever that is good. Besides, it is absolutely neces- 
sary to re-link earth to heaven — to re-establish harmony 
between this world and eternity — between man and God, 
the Father and Instructer of all men. I now warn you that 
the important hour is about to strike ; that the period of 
time is accomplished ; that Materialism, the offspring of 
Popery, is overcome ; that the want of a religion is on every 
side felt. Through your misconduct, men's consciences are 
now in a state of doubt — religion is banished from men's 
hearts." . . . " In the name of God we ask you of what 
creed you are ? Whether you understand the scriptures ? 
Whether you be Christians or Idolaters? " . . . " Our re- 
ligion is eternal ; eternal is the church of believers. The 
reformation of the corrupt church, which might be accom- 
plished solemnly and peaceably through your aid, will, if 
you do not march with us, cost a terrible struggle — tears — 
and a multitude of martyrs." 

The Archbishop's ideas seem again in a mist respecting 



16 FORBES's ANSWER TO 

the rights of property, which he pretends were not respected 
by the Republic It was not the Republican, but the Papal 
Government which confiscated every thing it could lay its 
hands upon. 

Nobody can respect the memory of the heroes of ' 76 
more than I do. I believe them to have been men such as 
are rarely to be met with, either on the score of extreme in- 
tegrity, patriotism, disinterestedness, or talent; yet, if I am 
not misinformed, the British Government heaped upon them 
very much the same epithets as those with which the Papal 
Government has honored the leaders of the present Italian 
revolution. 

The third motive given by the Archbishop for condemn- 
ing the Italian struggle, is not exactly the sort of argument 
I should have expected from one professing to be a minister 
of religion ; but it is the only fact he has produced, viz : that 
it has been overcome. Since his criterion of right is force, 
be must by his own rule acknowledge that for some months 
the republicans were right, and the Pope was wrong ; and, 
m a few months, he may have again to draw a similar con- 
clusion. One of the singular circumstances in this most un- 
precedented affair, is, that the Pope, to recover his tempo- 
ralities, should appeal to those whom the Archbishop styles 
•** rank unbelievers themselves" and that his Holiness should 
be most profuse in heaping upon them his blessings, benedic- 
tions, and indulgencies. He seems, also, to be not less 
afraid of his deliverers than he was of the liberals in '48, 
for he has already attempted to escape from Rome since the 
French troops escorted him back. 

To excite a greater prejudice against the European move- 
ment, the Archbishop applies at random the usual words 
' ' Socialist, " "Demagogue," "Order/' &c. The defini- 
tion of the word Socialist is, I imagine, any person who lives 
in the society of his fellows ; and this all men do, unless 
they be kings, or hermits, who have no companions to asso- 
ciate with ; even in nunneries, the inmates have a species of 
socialism, after their own fashion ; and I have understood 
that their sociability is generally enlivened when there hap- 
pens to be a monastery within a small distance. On the 
second head I must say I have heard no sentence uttered by 
any revolutionary orator so likely to excite hatred between 



ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 17 

classes as is the following of Archbishop Hughes himself. 
V Political economy has not seen, or seeing, has not dared 
to denounce, the social blunder, the mockery of freedom, 
tohich is presented in the spectacle of the starving labourer 
tnaintaining a contest of competition ivith the bloated 
capitalist." If one of us had uttered these words, what 
abuse would have been heaped upon all of us by the despots, 
and their organs ! The less, therefore, this popish prelate 
says about " Demagogism," the better. 

The other cant expression about "order" is worn so 
threadbare that it is useless to dwell upon it, for the public 
have discovered that the soi-disant "friends of order," 
(such as reigned in Warsaw,) are in reality the subverted 
of all order. 

It is by the perversion of such words and expressions, 
that the reactionary panic has been called into existence in 
Europe. Haynau bears the chief odium of these excesses, 
but the second place only is due to him. The first place 
ought to be occupied by those diplomatists who have manu- 
factured this reaction out of false pretences. 

As to anarchy, (respecting which the Archbishop seeing 
so alarmed,) there has existed none, except in his own head, 
and there, apparently, there is a sad jumble. He condemns 
liberty, and in the same breath explains that he approves of 
it ! He condemns despotism, and in the same page praises 
it ! He declares revolution to be justifiable, and at the 
same time declares it to be unjustifiable ! Does not this 
look like anarchy ? Now out of all this arises a question, 
Is the Archbishop's brain muddled, or not ? His infallible 
Holiness seems to think it is not, and seems disposed to con- 
sider him the Wiseman of America. 

In the Archbishop's endeavor to condemn revolutions, or 
reforms of every description, he asks whether the people, 
(say in Russia,) can have a right to change their government? 
" We say, all Americans say, they have ; but have they tru- 
ly ?" are his words. I confess that if they have not that right, 
then neither could the Italians, nor even the Americans, have 
had it. Yet the prelate acknowledges that the Americans 
had it, and in that case so had, and so have, the Italians, 
the Russians, and all others. But he explains that if they 
have a right to change one day, they have equally a right 
2* 



18 FORBES's ANSWER TO 

to change again the next; which, according to him, would 
be anarchy. Has not the Emperor of Russia the power of 
revoking his decrees as often as he pleases ? Has not the 
republic of the United States, (as well as every other state,) 
the power to alter her laws, so as to render them more suit- 
able to her wants ? Thus, according to the Archbishop, all 
the world is, and always has been, in a state of anarchy. 
Most persons think that the timely alteration of an obnox- 
ious law, is the best way to avoid, instead of the means of 
creating anarchy. 

Anarchy signifies confusion, and the subversion of all 
law. Now the organic laws of that system of which our 
globe forms a part, command that everything be kept in 
constant motion forward. When this natural progress is 
stopped, comes corruption, which is the motion reversed. 

No ANARCHY IS PRODUCED BY THE FORWARD MOVEMENT. 

The day dawns, and runs its course fomoard. The year 
begins and advances, always fonvard. Man is born, and 
goes forward in his race. Whenever a despot puts an im- 
pediment in the way of civilization and human progress, the 
organization called society, gets unsteady, and advances 
with jerks. Whenever the despotic power is such as com- 
pletely to arrest the movement forward, then anarchy must 
necessarily result. 

What would be the consequence if some persons were to 
build a dam across a stream V Would not the water by its 
accumulation gradually swell till the pressure be so great as 
to sweep away the obstacle ? So it is with the Pope and 
the despots of the present day; they have obstructed the 
current of civilization, but they cannot make it flow back to 
its source. Should the mischievous authors of this impedi- 
ment be themselves overwhelmed in the ruin they will 
have caused, they will richly deserve such a recompense 
for so much wickedness. 

The work of Italian regeneration now advancing, places 
Archbishop Hughes in a very embarrassing position before 
the American public. So long as he directed his attacks 
merely against the English, he could cheaply obtain the 
reputation of a red-hot radical ; he could, in the true spirit 
of Loyola, propose to purchase a shield, while his lay com- 
panions subscribed for the purchase of arms. The popish 



ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 19 

oppression in Italy being much more severe than ever oc- 
curred in this country or in Ireland, he must either eschew all 
his former protestations of republicanism and of sympathy for 
the oppressed, or he must become proportionably more vio- 
lent in his attacks against the Pope's government, than he 
formerly was against that of Great Britain. 

All his endeavors to reconcile popish with republican 
maxims, must turn out miserable failures, and tend only to 
demonstrate more palpably their antagonism. " No man can 
serve two masters ; " therefore the Archbishop had better 
for the future abandon his attempts to prove that midnight 
is mid-day, and not meddle any more with politics ; but 
limit his occupations exclusively to his spiritual functions — 
to his masses, his confessional, and his indulgences. 

H. FORBES. 



THE ROMAN REPUBLIC AND ITS CALUMNIATORS. 

New York, June 1st, 1850. 
To the Editor of the Tribune. 

Having had placed in my hands an article signed Sigma, 
from the New York Courier and Enquirer, treating of the late 
Italian revolution, and of the leading persons concerned in it, 
written under the most erroneous impression, I cannot let such 
false views remain before the public, without endeavoring to 
rectify them to the best of my feeble ability. I am the more 
inclined to take this step, because from my intercourse with 
American citizens since my arrival here, I find them in general 
misled upon these subjects, their information (except the cor- 
respondence and editorial articles which have appeared in the 
Tribune and a few other truly democratic papers) having been 
gathered from the London journals. That press, though most 
ably conducted as regards the composition of its articles, yet, 
to please its aristocratic readers, invariably gives such an arti- 
ficial coloring to every political event, that each endeavor made 
by an oppressed country to free itself from tyranny and ame- 
liorate its condition is distorted so as to appear to be the rebel- 
lion of a restless faction, for the sake of pillage ; while the 
patriots who sacrifice themselves and their fortunes for the pub- 
lic good, are stigmatized with the appellation of brigands ! 
Unless, forsooth, the movement be made by the nobility in 
favor of a very aristocratic constitutional monarchy, which 
being only another name for oligarchy, generally meets with 
sympathy from the ruling class in Great Britain. What a 
lamentable fact, that a press which ought fearlessly to advocate 
justice — which instead of humoring the vices and foibles of 
the public ought to endeavor to correct them — and which pos- 
sesses in itself talent sufficient to ensure so desirable result, 
should prefer to pander to these faults in the mercenary hope of 
selling a few more copies. Being an Englishmen, unless I had 
been thoroughly convinced of the justice of the Italian cause, 
I should not have taken up arms in its defence, (such a course 
being opposed to my private interest,) and I most certainly 
should never have allowed my eldest son to accompany me to 
the field. 

I grant that in the commencement of the revolution some 
blunders were committed ; that faith was placed in the promises 
of the princes and nobles ; that some persons were placed in 
offices for which they proved unqualified ; while some most 
estimable persons were neglected. But these accidents were, 
under existing circumstances, unavoidable, and the only wonder 



TIIE ROMAN REPUBLIC, ETC. 21 

is, that so few cases of this sort occurred ; for the despotic 
Italian governments had allowed the public no means of appre- 
ciating the capabilities of those from among whom the people 
had to choose their leaders. It could only be, therefore, after 
an individual had committed some (perhaps serious) mistake, 
that his incapacity could be discovered, and a remedy applied 
by the nomination of some other person to his situation. To 
perplex the people the more, and to thwart everything which 
might be of service to the popular cause, the Jesuits and the 
aristocrats incessantly worked in secret to raise in public esti- 
mation those most unworthy ; resorting, on the other hand, to 
calumnies, to ruin the reputation of such as they considered 
men of superior worth. The local princes, having unfortunately 
assumed the disguise of reformers — instead of showing them- 
selves in their own true colors — so long as the selection rested 
with them, nominated, (as princes always do,) those persons 
who would best second their royal desires. Oh ! little do you 
republicans know here in A merica what these Jesuits are ! 
Shut your eyes to them a little longer, suffer them to get a 
firmer footing in the country, and you will then begin to feel it, 
free Americans though you be. They take any shape, assume 
any color best suited to their purpose. They insinuate them- 
selves everywhere ; they contrive to know every secret. In- 
dustriously and patiently do they labor to obtain this object by 
securing the rising generation, especially the females, through 
the instrumentality of the Sisters of the Sacred Heart. They 
seldom dedicate much time to proselyting persons of mature 
age, for they know that they can catch in their nets a hundred 
little fish easier than they can trap one full-grown one. 

A country in a state of revolution requires all its energies 
then, more than at any other time, and the nomination of a few 
persons to situations for which they are not qualified, may peril 
the success of the enterprise. But the people are not to blame 
for this ; the odious yoke which they are endeavoring to shake 
off is alone responsible for these difficulties. Hungary was 
differently situated in this respect. That country had long been 
the main prop of the Austrian Empire. There had there been 
a Constitution for a length of time. There were statesmen, 
generals, officers, and soldiers ready made. The Italians in 
time would have had just as good ones, but a certain time was 
absolutely necessary to form them, and to discover such as 
might be most suitable to the various departments of the public 
service. The first man in Europe was already at the head of 
the Triumvirate. The subordinate offices were beginning to be 
appropriately filled. As regards their soldiers, I could not de- 
sire to have better materials out of which to form battalions, 
for I set down as a rule that all those men will make good sol- 



22 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC 

diers, after a little drilling, who take well to the bayonet. 
Cavalry, artillery, and officers, take a somewhat longer time to 
form, though the Italians have natural facilities in this respect. 
Both Italy and Hungary have acquired some dearly-bought ex- 
perience, and when the struggle recommences it will be under 
different auspices, and with a common accord. 

The correspondent of the Courier and Enquirer, Mr. Sigma, 
should have reflected a moment before he compared the state of 
affairs in Rome with the state of things in the United States of 
America, where the struggle for independence is over, and 
where the country has enjoyed many years of peace and pros- 
perity. Let us consider what was her position during her rev- 
olution. At the commencement, she had good officers already 
made. She had a country to defend into which an enemy could 
not penetrate without almost certain destruction — vastly differ- 
ent from Italy. She had a strong foreign legion in her pay. 
She afterward had the direct support of one powerful nation, 
and the good wishes of some others, beside the sympathy of a 
strong party in England itself. The transition from her former 
to her latter state was not so great a difference ; for personal 
liberty, the laws, customs, and municipal institutions suffered 
but little change ; freedom was not to her a state unknown. 
But with the Italians, liberty was a state for ages totally un- 
known, and it is therefore surprising that no excesses, no 
abuses occurred. Far be it from me to depreciate the noble 
efforts so successfully and gloriously made to establish Ameri- 
can Freedom, but I wish, in simple justice, that the extraordi- 
nary difficulties and sufferings of the Italians should be fairly 
appreciated. Italy, for ages under the demoralizing rule of 
despotic princes, priests, and superstition, had to contend, sin- 
gle-handed, against the gold and the combined bayonets of for- 
eign princes and aristocrats ; against the subtle intrigues of 
Jesuits and aristocrats within ; and last, though not least, 
against British diplomacy in the disguise of friendship. 

The Republican party at the beginning of the Revolution, 
acting upon pure patriotic principles, and having in view the 
delivery of the country from foreign oppression, before any 
other consideration, stifled its private opinion, to join in one 
common cause against the common enemy. It was only after 
the destruction of that sacred cause, and the abandonment of 
Lombardy by Charles Albert, that the Rebublicans came for- 
ward as the sole remaining chance of retrieving the hopes of 
the country ; for it being clear that the royalists either could 
not or would not act, a prolonged seclusion would have been as 
culpable, as it would have been injudicious for them to have 
earlier pushed themselves forward without having first allowed 
a fair field and every possible assistance to the royalist party in 



AND ITS CALUMNIATORS. 23 

its endeavor to liberate the country. Whether the royalist 
party in its turn acted in the same generous manner, is a ques- 
tion hardly worth asking, since it is notorious that their creed 
is diametrically opposed to the philanthropic Republican princi- 
ple. Monarchy and Aristocracy being based upon selfishness — 
upon the aggrandisement of the few to the detriment of the many, 
they can only maintain their positions by fraud, corruption, su- 
perstition, intrigue, physical force, and the ignorance of the 
masses. The Republican party had, therefore, to act under 
immense difficulties. Not only had it to make head against 
foreign foes, but at the same time to counteract the insidious 
efforts of the Royalist- Aristocratic- Jesuitical party, and of 
British diplomacy. 

Peculiar circumstances enabled this engine to act with more 
than its usual effect, for the British Foreign Secretary having, 
for motives best known to himself, excited and encouraged the 
Italian movement, especially in Sicily, the mass of the popula- 
tion was easily persuaded by false friends, to place reliance in 
these slippery promises. The experience of past and present 
times teaches us that implicit reliance can be reposed on the 
good faith of nearly every Englishman as a private gentle- 
man. The same experience demonstrates that no reliance 
whatever can be placed upon the faith of any Minister up to 
the present time ; and as if this disease were approaching a 
crisis, the present Foreign Secretary has far surpassed all his 
predecessors. Such acts as those of Sicily, Genoa, Parga, 
used to be scattered over a lapse of years ; but the achievements 
of Lord Palmerston crowd close upon each other. Scarcely 
has his Lordship obtained for England one of her blackest pages 
in history through the Oporto tragedy of '47, when he begins 
to play his tricks in Italy, as if he considered the millions of 
human beings as mere toys for him to use in gratifying his 
pique for the Spanish marriages. Unfortunate people! — aye, 
and unfortunate Palmerston ! if to be a Lord and a Minister it 
be necessary to be devoid of humanity and of honesty. 

The habitual abandonment by the English Cabinet of the va- 
rious nations or parties compromised through its instigation, 
has raised a general distrust which affects even the individuals 
of the nation. The whole nation is not, properly speaking, 
responsible for this, since it has not universal suffrage ; there- 
fore, only a portion of the people can by their votes protest 
against the dishonor such conduct entails upon their country. 

In the limited space of a letter I cannot enter into the painful 
details of the events of the Lombard- Venetian revolution of 
'48, or the train of disasters brought about by the Piedmontese 
Camarilla in the spring of '49. I can only hazard a few obser- 
vations, in consequence of the accusations against the people 



24 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC 

contained in the above mentioned correspondence of Sigma. 
The aristocrats and Jesuits have had the advantage of an or- 
ganization which it has taken ages to perfect. The Republi- 
cans had to organize as they proceeded, so that much bad seed 
scattered by the Jesuits sprung up with the good seed sown by 
the patriots. The Jesuitical enemy could conspire and strike 
in the dark ; the patriots do not use such means. The Jesuiti- 
cal enemy had (and has) inexhaustible funds for every species of 
corruption, while the patriots frequently want that which is 
absolutely necessary for subsistence. In short, all the advanta- 
ges, one excepted, lie on the side of the despots ; that one is tbe 
advantage of fighting under the banner of Reason and Justice ! 
Reason and Justice cannot be crushed! They may be persecut- 
ed, gagged, calumniated, compressed — but never extinguished. 
They may be chained, and plunged to the bottom of a sea of 
blood, yet they will buoy themselves to the surface, acquiring 
fresh purity and brightness from each new persecution. 

This writer cites in his letter certain daughters of Popes and 
Cardinals who are known to him to be prostitutes. From these 
he might certainly learn some tales of the profligacy of the 
priesthood, for none could instruct him better on that head ; but 
they are not exactly the fittest instructors upon other subjects. 
This fact, however, accounts for his circulating the same calum- 
nies invented' by the Jesuits against the Liberals, using even the 
very words and expressions constantly in the mouths of the 
priests. When Citizen Bonaparte first prostituted the French 
bayonets in the service of the Pope, such accusations might 
have found some persons to give ear to them ; but they wont 
do now ; people in Italy know better ; they know their false- 
hood, and the motives for which they were promulgated. 

Our author says further, that " if the French intervention had 
not occurred, inconstant and unjust as it was, the Roman Re- 
public would have died of itself from five distinct causes. 
1. Abandonment. 2. Atrophy. 3. Paralysis. 4. Phrensy. 
5. Gangrene." The despots and Jesuits were, I presume, as 
well informed upon this subject as the writer of this sentence 
could possibly be, and if they had believed that there had been 
the slightest hope of its dying from any one of these causes, be 
assured they would not have let slip so advantageous a circum- 
stance. This insane intervention was only determined upon 
after experience had proved that the Constitution of the Repub- 
lic was so strong as to resist the effects of all the poisons which 
were secretly and abundantly administered every hour by the 
agents of the Royal -Aristocratic -Jesuitical conclave. The 
northern powers were the instigators of this project, in the 
double hope of ruining the Roman Republic, and at the same 
time disgusting the French nation with their President and 



AND ITS CALUMNIATORS. 25 

their Republic, so as to pave the way for the fall of Napoleon 
the Little, and the restoration of Henry the Vth. Napoleon the 
Great destroyed the Republics of Genoa and Venice. His pig- 
my nephew, endeavoring to imitate his uncle only in the darkest 
pages of his history, has brought about his own ruin, and thus 
far has played the game of the despots. But the good sense of 
the people, the righteousness of their cause, will save from 
destruction both the Republics of France and of Italy. From 
having held a command in the Italian Provinces, I can certify 
to the tenacity of life in even the remotest extremities of the 
Roman Republic. I do not know of one instance in which, 
when we had been driven from any position by overwhelming 
forces, and obliged to abandon a town or a village, the Austri- 
ans, on entering the place, did not find the tree of liberty erect, 
though the inhabitants well knew that a heavy fine, and perhaps 
other severer punishment would be the consequence. Nor do I 
know of one instance in which the Austrians could find a native 
to cut down these trees, consequently the Austrian pioneers had 
themselves to perform the operation. 

linder the head of Abandonment, Sigma proceeds in a strain 
more suited to a Northern despot than to a free American citi- 
zen, attempting to prove that no revolution can succeed unless 
diplomatically recognized by the European Powers. The first 
desideratum for a revolutionary government, according to my 
notion, is to secure the independence ot the country ; that done, 
the " recognitions " will come of themselves. Such old gov- 
ernments as do not think proper to exchange courtesy with the 
new one, may let it alone. During a revolution, the friendship 
of royal governments is neither to be expected nor desired ; it 
would be a dangerous protection. Had the American Charge, 
in the name of a free people, recognized the Roman Republic, 
that would have been a matter of exultation and encouragement. 

How does Sigma dare to charge the Republicans with the 
death of Rossi? Nob;;dy knows who struck the blow, which 
was given on the steps of the Assembly, in the midst of the 
soldiers and of the police of the Jesuits, (though nominally the 
Pope's,) who did not interfere. Many have been the surmises 
on this subject. Rossi had once been banished by the influence 
of the Jesuits, who never liked him, and who never forget nor 
forgive! I can make no positive accusation, but this I can 
assert, that the Republicans do not use these means, while his- 
tory cannot count the numbers of victims who have fallen under 
the poignards of Jesuits and tyrants, who always contrive, if 
possible, to lay their own crimes to the charge of their adversa- 
ries. Who attempted recently to assassinate Kossuth, Bern, and 
others ? Perhaps the Austrian Government can throw some 
light upon this inquiry, while the Sardinian Government can 



26 



THE ROMAN REPUBLIC 



perhaps furnish some particulars respecting the abortive attempt 
of a similar nature against Mazzini, in the month of January 
last. Perhaps Massimo Tapparelli, (commonly called D'Aze- 
glio,) can inform us what Jesuitical influence exists in the Pied- 
montese Cabinet. 

The accusations of Sigma increase in virulence under the 
head of Atrophy. Does he not see how inconsistent he is when 
he charges the Government of Rome with " unrighteous confis- 
cations," while in the same sentence he names as one of the 
causes of its pecuniary embarrassment the fact that it had " rec- 
ognized all the debts of the old regime ?" The Government had 
fearlessly and righteously ordered that sundry public lands be- 
longing to the poor, but w T hich the convents had pilfered, should 
be restored to the lawful possessors, so that the desire of the 
doners who bequeathed these lands for the use of the poor, 
should be in reality carried into effect. Persons can imagine 
much better than I can describe the rage of the Monks and Je- 
suits at this proceeding, and it is almost needless to add that the 
lands are now taken back again to serve as they did before, for 
the maintenance of indolent friars. Sigma says that the Govern- 
ment had neither means nor credit ; yet a few lines below he 
says that it paid for everything. Yes, to its honor be it said, 
" it paid for everything." Neither " three millions of dollars," 
nor even one cent, was " given to the populace for their toler- 
ance." Why how can Sigma expect people to believe that a 
government which he declares to have been " without credit or 
means," could have squandered with a more lavish hand than 
the Emperor of Russia ! It was only by the most rigid econ- 
omy that the Government could meet the most urgent wants. 
The Assembly abolished some imposts which pressed heavily 
upon the working classes. These taxes the Cardinals have re- 
established. The issue of paper money was the work of Pa- 
pacy — the Triumvirate curtailed it as much as possible. 

And on the third head, Paralysis, the Republicans receive a 
mass of abuse in nearly the same language as that so lavishly 
bestowed upon them by the Jesuits. The defenders of Rome 
are called foreigners, &c. &c. The foreigners were very few. 
As near as I can number them I should say there were in Rome 
about a hundred and fifty Poles, about forty French, a few, (per- 
haps a dozen,) Corsicans, (though they could hardly be styled 
foreigners,) about a dozen between Germans and Hungarians, and 
four English. The French were never placed in a position to fight 
against their countrymen. Besides the above number in Rome 
itself, I had with me in the provinces about a hundred, chiefly 
Swiss. Some of these were excellent officers ; others were of 
less value. All of them, however, fought for a principle. Per- 
haps it may be presumed that in the ranks of the despotic troops 



AND ITS CALUMNIATORS. 27 

there were no foreigners? The Austrian General, Nugent, 
whom I had opposed to me on the Piave, is an Englishman. On 
hoard of the Austrian steamer which carried me a prisoner from 
Pola to Caorle, there was an English officer named Barry. The 
Austrian Admiral was a Dane. Is it not notorious that the 
Austrian and Russian armies are full of foreign officers'? Have 
not the French their foreign legion ? Was it not the British 
legion which secured the revolutions of Spain and of Portugal? 
Have not the Italian governments Swiss troops ? In short, there 
is not a nation but has foreigners in its service. The Jesuits 
would be glad to dissuade the liberals from taking advantage 
of the same thing? There were not any negroes, as Sigma pre- 
tends there were ; we would have accepted them with gratitude 
had they come, but none presented themselves. Garibaldi had 
a negro servant who always attended upon him ; he was killed 
in Rome, by a shell, while walking in the streets. Sigma pays 
but a sorry compliment to the French, when he asserts that the 
serious check they received was from a handful of " fugitives 
and vagabonds." His assertion that the Roman people were 
indifferent, is, by this time, pretty clearly manifested to the 
Pope, and the French, and to the world, to be a calumny ; what 
a noble example of perseverance this people has shown dur- 
ing the siege and since the occupation ! 

Equally destitute of foundation has the calumny against Gar- 
ibaldi been proved to be. After performing prodigies of valor 
and suffering excessive privations, when taken prisoner near 
Chiavari, he had not half a dollar upon him — the remains of a 
little sum a few faithful friends had furnished him with, to facil- 
itate his escape. When a young man, circumstances not per- 
mitting him to defend the cause of liberty in Europe, he fought 
for that cause in the New World. No tyrants could ever obtain 
the use of his uncompromising sword, and that is why the 
tyrants hate him. 

Sigma stigmatizes the Republican soldiers as " Roman hire- 
lings." He does not seem to know that the meaning of the word 
soldier is one who receives his solde, or pay ; all soldiers who 
receive their pay, are hired. Many of the Republican soldiers 
not only maintained themselves, but equipped and maintained 
some of their less wealthy companions. Some received only 
their rations ; some, having no means of their own, were obliged 
to accept their pay. If these troops can be styled hirelings, at 
any rate, since they fought for a principle, they were principled 
hirelings ; whereas, the despotic soldiery, fighting for simple 
pay, and without any regard to principles, must, by the same 
rule, be unprincipled hirelings. 

In speaking of the fourth disease, " Phrensy," he charges the 
Government with having " constantly outraged justice, and 



28 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC, ETC. 

struck at the most sacred rights," &c. Let him cite an unjust 
act of the Government — one solitary instance. True it is, that 
it struck direct at what Jesuits and tyrants call " divine right," 
for it declared the equality of all citizens. Not a single indi- 
vidual had his properly confiscated ; even those nobles and Je- 
suits openly in arms against the Government, had their families 
and their properties respected. Can the Royalists say this 
much ? Sigma is accusing the Government of having done pre- 
cisely that which many have censured it for not having done ! 
The nobles and Jesuits did lock up their money — but not from 
fear. This act was done with the mischievous project of pro- 
ducing distress among the people, thus to excite them to discon- 
tent, and to embarrass the Government. No shops were ever 
shut except during the night, as in ordinary times. If any 
houses outside or insjde Rome suffered from the effects of the 
struggle, it is the invaders who should be reproached with the 
injury, and who should repair the damage. 

It is false that the Assembly voted itself a sum of money be- 
fore separating. A. proposition was made by some member, 
whose name I forget, to the effect that the Deputies should have 
the means furnished them of proceeding out of the State ; this 
was instantly negatived by universal disapprobation. The mem- 
bers who had not sufficient for their expenses to carry them to 
a foreign land, received what was strictly necessary from a pri- 
vate fund which was among themselves ; while the public funds, 
which might have been carried away to assist the emigration, 
or to further agitation and propagandism, were left in the coffers 
of the State, and fell into the hands of their successors. 

Finally, as to u Gangrene," in reply to which, I confess that 
in the head quarters of Popery there teas much corruption ; but 
the Pope and Jesuits, not the people, are to be blamed for that. 
It was to remedy these evils that the people made their revolu- 
tion, and, in a short time, they effected incredible ameliorations. 
It was to prevent these ulcers from being cured that the Jesuits 
and their allies, the nobles, got French, Austrian, Neapolitan, 
Swiss and Spanish bayonets, backed by British diplomacy. 
Yet, notwithstanding these fearful odds against us, we still hope 
that the cause of humanity may eventually triumph over mis- 
representations, corruption and violence. 

H. FORBES. 



THE ITALIAN PRINCES AND THE ITALIAN 

PEOPLE. 

Springfield, Monday, June 5. 
To the Editor of the Tribune : 

Since you have been so obliging as to insert in your columns 
my reply to the calumnies of Sigma against the Roman Repub- 
lic, I am encouraged again to trespass on your patience by send- 
ing you a few observations touching a system of misrepresenta- 
tion which has been insidiously disseminated throughout this 
country, as likewise in Europe. 

The Aristocratic- Jesuitical party seems to be especially in- 
terested in distorting the Italian question, not only because it 
involves the immediate welfare of some twenty-five millions of 
human beings, but likewise because, from its religious, as well 
as from its geographical position, it could not fail to exercise 
an immense influence upon the cause of civil and religious lib- 
erty throughout the entire world. By most artful misrepresen- 
tations this party endeavors to deprive the Liberals of the 
sympathy of American freemen. 

In monarchial countries it is studiously inculcated among the 
people that they ought to be overwhelmed with respect and 
gratitude whenever the Prince relinquishes some small portion 
of his power, as the means of preserving the remainder. 

Let us imagine that a joint stock company had deposited 
their funds or other valuables in the hands of an agent, and this 
agent were to take it into his head to appropriate the whole to 
his own use, leaving the company in a state of destitution. Let 
us imagine that this agent, fearful lest the company might come 
and forcibly take back its property, were to hire a band of ruf- 
fians to protect him, and that this mercenary gang were to beat, 
imprison, or kill the poor defrauded merchants. Let us imag- 
ine that their friends and neighbors, having united to assist 
them, this dishonest agent, rather than risk a fight, were to re- 
store to the company a tithe of his plunder, and then were to 
have the effrontery to tell them that they ought to be grateful 
for his generosity — what would you sny of such a fellow? 

Such is precisely the relative position of People and of 
Prince. The oppression of the Pope is even more odious, for 
he, uniting the temporal to the spiritual dominion, destroys all 
confidence between man and man, all affection in families ; he 
works upon the superstition of the masses, using for political 
purposes the power he claims to exercise as head of the Catho- 
lic Church, shutting men out of heaven for not obeying his 
3* 



30 THE ITALIAN PRINCES AND 

authority as king. But not to enter on theological discussion, 
which is out of place here, let us class the Pope (where he so 
ohstinately insists upon being included) among the temporal 
Princes, and let us impartially weigh the conduct of these 
Princes toward the People. 

When the oppression of the Italian Government, had, in '47, 
risen to such an excess that the Princes could no longer with- 
stand the popular movement, these artful men, acting under the 
advice of a British peripatetic Ambassador, placed themselves at 
the head of the Liberal party — to lead, and to mislead it. VV hat 
else could be expected from royal and Jesuitical diplomatists ? 
When were Princes ever known to have reformed themselves? 

King Ferdinand of Naples (commonly called Bomba) is the 
most cruel tyrant of the present day, even past ages cannot 
show a worse one % Once he gave way to the popular will, 
and accepted the Constitution. Unfortunate day ! Had he not 
done that act of deceit, he would have been swept away, and 
woul4,not have had the opportunity, shortly afterward, to be- 
tray a,, ■ to exterminate those same men who had saved his 
crown and his life. No sooner had the noble generosity of the 
too confiding multitude removed from his cowardly soul the fear 
of punishment, and persuaded him that he could, with impuni- 
ty, conspire against the nation, than, together with his Jesuiti- 
cal companions, he laid schemes for enacting a modern St. 
Bartholomew. Through the instrumentality of the priests, 
who from the altars declared that their religion was in danger, 
this iniquitous clique worked upon the superstition of the Laz- 
zaroni, exciting them by the double motive of religion and of 
plunder. Lists of the doomed families were distributed by the 
confidential agents of this modern Nero. The police marked 
the houses devoted to destruction, while bands of Lazzaroni, 
each led by a priest and a police agent, carried destruction from 
dwelling to dwelling, promiscuously massacreing men, women, 
and children, and plundering their houses. The soldiers of this 
royal tiger, aiding the bands above alluded to, traversed the 
city, attacking every group of Liberals, who, with the courage 
of despair, congregated together for mutual protection. 

The Swiss troops (recruited almost exclusively from the 
ranks of the Sonderbund) surpassed the others in ferocity. As 
a specimen, I can cite one circumstance : About 400 Liberals 
having taken refuge in a house, these barbarians contrived to 
break down the stair-case, to prevent escape ; then setting fire 
to the building, all perished in the flames. This conduct of the 
Swiss was the more surprising, since they had but a few days 
previous shown marked sympathy with the Liberals. The 
change was brought about by the subtlety of the Jesuits, who, 
by sending agents of their own under the disguise of Liberals, 



THE ITALIAN TEOPLE. 31 

to quarrel with the Swiss, marched them against the enemies 
of the King under feelings of personal irritation. The respon- 
sihility of these atrocities lies, therefore, more on the shoulders 
of the King and the Jesuits than on those of the troops. 

Such is the rule of the King of Naples. As an undisguised 
tyrant, he is less dangerous than some others. He acts up to 
the maxim that the kingdom is his by divine right ; and, like a 
certain English Duke, he says, " Can I not do as I will with 
my own? " A few days sooner or later this monster must fall, 
amid universal execration. 

The Grand Duke of Tuscany has shown himself to be at 
heart as great a tyrant as his brother-in-law, Bomba ; but he is 
more cunning. He formerly abolished capital punishment for 
all crimes — even for murder — yet at the same time, without 
trial, banished to the most unhealthy parts of the Maremma, all 
persons suspected of Liberal opinions. Thus, with true Jesu- 
itical hypocrisy, while he contrived to rid himself of those op- 
posed to his despotism, he subjected his victims to greater s 11 fir- 
ing than if he had handed them over at once to the execuuwiier. 
Though he had solemnly engaged to uphold the Constitution, 
he nevertheless clandestinely absconded — issued an incendiary 
proclamation, exciting the Tuscans to cut each other's throats — 
and, on finding that they had too much good sense to listen to 
his exhortations, he invoked the Austrian intervention. The 
desire of the mass of the population was to unite with the Ro- 
man Republic, but the intrigues of British diplomacy and of 
the Piedmontese Camarilla, operating upon the weakness of 
some persons of influence in the country, who allowed them- 
selves to be misled by these promises and menaces, the much 
desired union was deferred — the Grand Duke returned to 
Florence, supported by Austrian bayonets, and the Jesuits be- 
came masters of the field. Who were their first victims? 
Those very persons whom they had mystified, and through 
whose culpable weakness in listening to their honeyed words 
they had returned to power ! The British Ambassador, who 
was mainly instrumental in this restoration — who was the first 
person to fete the entry of the Austrians — lost all influence 
under the new order of things, so that he is now as busily em- 
ployed in unmaking as he was before at creating — not from 
humanity, but from pique. On the return of the Grand Duke, 
his Royal Highness caused the prison doors to be opened to the 
most atrocious criminals, in order to make room for political of- 
fenders. He turned loose the rogues, and put in prison the 
honest men ! How truly royal ! 

The Pope, who had always been a most weak man, was, 
when first elected, entirely under the guidance of Cardinal Micari, 
of his confessor Graziosi, and the advocate Silvani — all three 



32 



THE ITALIAN PRINCES AND 



libsral minded men. Unfortunately these good men were all of 
them suddenly and simultaneously taken ill, and all of them 
died. Then the Pope fell into other hands, and he attempted 
to undo all the good he had commenced. His deeds may he 
considered, from the death of the three persons above mentioned, 
more as the work of the conclave, than his own spontaneous 
acts. All the accusations with which he charged the Triumvi- 
rate, have been proved to be false, while, without the slightest 
hesitation, he himself commits those very crimes; witness, 
amonof other proofs, the Decree of Confiscation just published 
in Rome. The British Foreign Secretary, however active he 
may have been in crushing the European movement, has by his 
direct agency contributed but little to the crimes of the Roman 
reaction ; the Pope did not want his stimulus. Moreover, the 
British Consul at Rome is an honorable, independent merchant, 
who has never been contaminated by the Jesuitical lessons 
taught in the school of diplomacy. 

However numerous and fatal may have been the faults of 
Carlo Alberto on previous occasions, nevertheless he seems to 
have been determined, in the spring of 1849, to try a last des- 
perate qffort to wipe off the stains upon his reputation ; but all 
was useless. The Camarilla effectually thwarted all his pro- 
jects ; the disaster of Novara put an end to his career, and he 
in his turn, found himself an exile. The Republicans, had 
they not been interfered with by French intervention in Rome, 
could have remedied these disasters. They were organizing, 
in the centre of Italy, a truly patriotic and strong government ; 
one which derived its power not through the oppression of those 
at the head of the State, but from the popular sympathy upon 
which it was founded — from its wisdom, its moderation, its 
justice, its firmness, its honesty. This new Government, though 
surrounded by all sorts of difficulties, was fearlessly placed in 
comparison with the long-established governments on all sides 
of it, that all nations might see which system worked the best. 
Such philanthropic projects could not but meet with the opposi- 
tion of the despots, and the Republic now lies prostrate, stunned, 
but not dead. The tyrants and their organs have dared to say 
that the people are not fit to govern themselves, because they 
avoid the vices of their former oppressors. The princes accuse 
the people, who required reforms, of being actuated by a desire to 
plunder. Have not the princes committed every species of rapine 
and plunder? Where can one instance of this be found on the 
part of the people in insurrection? 1 will cite one example out 
of many of the people's honesty. While proclamations of this 
nature were yet on the walls of the Tuscan cities, a citizen of 
Leghorn, alarmed at seeing a great crowd in the streets, ran off 
home from his store, with his handkerchief full of dollars ; the 



THE ITALIAN PEOPLE. 33 

weight broke the linen, and the dollars fell into the crowd. 
The bystanders, making a circle, helped the man in his misfor- 
tune, and collected his dollars for him ; not a cent was missing ! 
A few days before this circumstance the police had been turned 
out of the cjty. During the whole of the time that there was 
no police, not a robbery occurred ; yet some calumniators are to 
be found, who endeavor to represent the people as unfit to be 
trusted out of leading strings. 

The people can only hope to improve their education when 
they are masters, and have the power to do so. So long as the 
tyrants have the power in their hands, every effort will be made 
to prolong the ignorance of the multitude. Could anything 
have been more orderly and decorous than were the Roman 
elections under the auspices of universal suffrage'? Was not 
the Assembly composed of men the most eminent for their 
virtues and patriotism 1 Could any body of delegates have con- 
ducted itself with greater dignity than did the Roman represen- 
tatives of the people, amid unprecedented difficulties, and in a 
city besieged by an enemy 1 These elections and this Assem- 
bly can bear comparison with any in the world. The world has 
seen how the Republicans acted up to their principles ; how 
they forgave all their former adversaries and persecutors ; how 
they showed the most sublime moderation ; and how they have 
been rewarded by inhuman persecutions and executions. Among 
the many persons placed in responsible situations, w T ith the com- 
mand of the resources of the country, it is now evident that not 
one of them mal-appropriated a single cent of the public money : 
while, on the contrary, there are innumerable instances of great 
sacrifices of private interest among the Republicans, for the pub- 
lic good. The patriotic exiles have, in a state of absolute pov- 
erty, left their country. What a contrast with their enemies ! 
Even a considerable portion of the very last loan obtained from 
the Rothschilds has disappeared among the Cardinals ! Will the 
public continue to uphold the cruel, and to maltreat the just 1 
Will the public praise the dishonest and blame the honest ? 
The suffering has been great ; those individuals who have been 
the more immediate victims of these cruelties are to be pitied, 
and for their sake these persecutions are to be regretted. But 
the cause must be strengthened by them ; it was a necessity 
that the contrast between the despots and the patriots should be 
shown in such clear colors to defy contradiction. 

Though Rome had fallen into the hands of the Jesuits, had 
Sicily been saved, it could have remained an island fortress, 
where the sacred fire of freedom could have been kept alive. 
But the Royal Camarilla of Piedmont, together with British 
diplomacy, ruined that hope likewise. 'J he Sicilians, misled 
by the delusion that they would be recognized as an independent 



34 THE ITALIAN PRINCES AND 

state by Great Britain, placed at their head a Provisional Gov- 
ernment, in which the aristocratic influence predominated. 
Trusting in the promises of the British Foreign Secretary, they 
elected a King of his dictation. Their flag was immediately 
saluted by twenty-one discharges from British vessels of war. 
The people, lulled into security, did not take those measures 
necessary for their defence. Various manoeuvres were put into 
practice, to prevent their being able to use all those means which 
were within their reach, while finally, abandoned by their King 
elect, and likewise by British diplomacy, (as usual,) they were 
handed over to the tender mercies of King Bomba, to be by 
him persecuted and massacred. 

How could it be otherwise'? Princes and diplomatists, men 
without consciences, having been allowed to direct a revolution, 
guided it where it best suited their narrow views. All revolu- 
tions which have been conducted by nobles have ended in their 
merely securing for themselves certain aristocratic privileges, 
as was the case in England before the Reform Bill. The Re- 
form in England in 1832 was brought about by the shopkeepers ; 
they secured for themselves the right of voting. A revolution, to 
produce benefit to the people, must be conducted by the peo- 
ple, and by such as they can place reliance in, or the people 
will always be cajoled out of the fruit of their labor. It is to 
be hoped that in the approaching contest the people may profit 
by the past dearly bought experience — that they may recollect 
how they have been betrayed by Princes, Nobles and Diploma- 
tists — that they may always bear in mind that these men are 
the allies of the Jesuits, who never forget nor forgive. All 
nations must act for the general benefit of mankind and not for 
local advantages or national aggrandisement. The despots, re- 
gardless of nationality, assist each other against the people, 
having established for that purpose a league, which they blas- 
phemously call "Holy." The immense armies which cover 
all Europe, are not directed against each other, but only against 
the people. Their device is, " divide and conquer." Not only 
do they endeavor to provoke jealousy between the cities and 
provinces of Italy, (and also of Germany,) calling a native of 
Florence a foreigner when in Rome, and vice versa — but they 
continue to foment hatred between nations, exciting Germans 
against Hungarians — Hungarians against Italians-— Italians 
against Poles, &c. &c. Let the people now have their league, 
which with some greater show of reason they can call " Holy." 
May the despots never again find the students of Vienna wil- 
ling to march against the Italians. No ! Humanity, civilization, 
and the cause of the people are the same in Vienna as in Italy 
or in Hungary — they are the same on the Rhine as on the 
Danube or on the Seine. 



THE ITALIAN PEOPLE. 35 

The delusion so successfully practiced upon the merchants 
and shop keepers, is now beginning to dissipate. They see 
that the party falsely calling itself the Protector of Order, is in 
reality the subverter of all order — that, by its unscrupulous 
efforts to maintain its supremacy, it keeps the world in constant 
agitation — that it is the enemy of all improvement, civilization 
and education. This party was so reckless that, at the risk of 
plunging all parts of Europe into civil war, it destroyed credit 
and confidence, for the purpose of laying the blame on the lib- 
erals, and exciting against them the indignation of those very 
persons, for whose benefit the patriots were toiling. 

Europe is now fast dividing itself into two camps. In the 
one are to be found the Pope, Kings, Nobles and Jesuits, mar- 
shalled under the banner of despotism. In the other is the peo- 
ple, collected under the banner of liberty. These two princi- 
ples cannot coexist. Should by any misfortune the Cossacks 
succeed in subduing Europe for a time to their influence, then 
in no part of the world will Liberty be allowed a hiding-place — 
not even the New World will be free from the scourge of des- 
potism. American citizens have every inducement to sympa- 
thize with the European patriots — for the love of Justice — for 
their interest — for the sake of tranquility, prosperity and com- 
merce, which cannot flourish till Liberty be triumphant. — The 
people cannot be exterminated, and until they obtain equal 
rights, all expectation of their being quiet and contented, is a 
dream. There may be, as there is now, a lull between the 
storms — but that is not peace. Europe owes much to Ameri- 
ca for having shown how well a Democratic Government works ; 
on the other hand, if the millions of emigrants who have left 
Europe through disgust at the despotic system, had remained 
there, and had worked for the general good, the Old World 
would now be free. 

This great question might two years ago have been settled 
nearly without a struggle, had British diplomacy sincerely sup- 
ported the just demands of the oppressed multitudes. The 
vacillating conduct of the British Foreign Secretary, and his 
sympathy for Nobles, have brought society into its present state 
of confusion. The Patriots are willing to rely upon reason and 
argument. The Despots, however, being weak on these points, 
only place their faith in force, coercion, and violence. When 

THE STRUGGLE RECOMMENCES, MAY GoD PROTECT THE RIGHT ! 

Yours, &c, H. FORBES. 



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